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46. In the second year after these events, the Thasians having been accused by their neighbours of designing a revolt, Darius sent a messenger and commanded them to demolish their walls, and to transport their ships to Abdera. For the Thasians, having been besieged by Histiæus the Milesian, and having large revenues, applied their wealth in building ships of war, and fortifying their city with a stronger wall. Their revenues arose both from the continent, and from their mines from the gold mines of Scapte-Hyle proceeded in all eighty talents yearly, and from those in Thasus less indeed than that amount, yet so much that, as they were exempt from taxes on the produce of the soil, there came in to the Thasians in all, from the continent and the mines, a revenue of two hundred talents yearly; and when the greatest quantity came in, three hundred talents. 47. I myself have seen these mines; and by far the most wonderful of them are those which the Phoenicians discovered, who with Thasus colonized this island, which on that occasion took its name from this Thasus the Phoenician. These Phoenician mines are in that part of Thasus between a place called Enyra, and Cœnyra, opposite Samothrace: a large mountain has been thrown upside down in the search. This, then, is of such a description. The Thasians, in obedience to the king, both demolished their walls, and transported all their ships to Abdera.

48. After this, Darius made trial of what were the intentions of the Greeks, whether to make war with him or to deliver themselves up. He therefore despatched heralds, appointing different persons to go to different parts throughout Greece, with orders to demand earth and water for the king. These accordingly he sent to Greece; and despatched other heralds to the tributary cities on the coast, with orders to build ships of war and transports for horses. 49. They then set about preparing these things; and to the heralds who came to Greece many of the inhabitants of the continent gave what the Persian demanded, as did all the islanders to whom they came and made the demand. Indeed the other islanders gave earth and water to Darius, and moreover the Ægineta: but when they had done so, the Athenians forthwith threatened them, thinking that the Æginetæ had given earth and water out of illwill towards themselves, in order that they might make war on them in conjunction with the Persian; they therefore

gladly laid hold of the pretext, and going to Sparta, accused the Æginetæ of what they had done, as betraying Greece. 50. On this accusation Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, who was then king of the Spartans, crossed over to Ægina, intending to seize the most culpable of the Ægineta; but when he attempted to seize them, others of the Æginetæ opposed him, and amongst them especially Crius, son of Polycritus, who said, "that he should not carry off any one of the Ægineta with impunity; for that he was acting as he did without the consent of the commonwealth of the Spartans, being persuaded by bribes from the Athenians; and that if it had not been so, he would have come with the other king to seize them." He said this in consequence of a message from Demaratus. But Cleomenes, being driven from Ægina, asked Crius what his name was; and he told him the truth whereupon Cleomenes said to him, "Now then tip your horns with brass, O Crius, as you will have to contend with great misfortunes." 51. Meanwhile Demaratus, son of Ariston, who was likewise king of the Spartans, but of an inferior family, remaining in Sparta, aspersed the conduct of Cleomenes he was in no other respect inferior, for they were sprung from the same origin, but somehow the family of Eurysthenes was more honoured, on account of seniority.

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52. For the Lacedæmonians, agreeing with none of the poets, affirm, that Aristodemus himself, son of Aristomachus, son of Cleodæus, son of Hyllus, being king, brought them to the country which they now inhabit, and not the sons of Aristodemus. And that after no long time Aristodemus's wife, whose name was Argia, brought forth: they say that she was daughter of Autesion, son of Tisamenes, son of Thersander, son of Polynices; and that she brought twins; and that Aristodemus, having looked on the children, died of disease that the Lacedæmonians of that day resolved, according to custom, to make the eldest of the children king; but they knew not which to choose, since they were alike, and of equal size. Being unable to determine, they then, or perhaps before, asked the mother; she replied, "that she herself was unable to distinguish :" she said this, although she knew very well, but was desirous, if it were possible, that both should be made kings. That the Lacedæmonians were consequently in Crius signifies "

a ram."

doubt, and being in doubt, sent to Delphi, to inquire of the oracle what they should do in the matter. They add, that the Pythian bade them consider both the children as kings; but to honour the eldest most: this answer the Pythian gave them; but the Lacedæmonians, being still in doubt how they should discover the eldest of them, a Messenian, whose name was Panites, made a suggestion to them: this Panites made the following suggestion to the Lacedæmonians, to observe which of the two children the mother would wash and feed first; and if she should be found constantly doing the same, they would then have all they were seeking for and desired to know; but if she should vary, attending to them interchangeably, it would be evident to them that she knew no more than they did; and then they must have recourse to some other expedient. Thereupon the Spartans, in pursuance of the suggestion of the Messenian, having watched the mother of Aristodemus's children, discovered that she constantly gave one the preference both in feeding and washing, she not knowing why she was watched. Therefore considering that the child which was honoured by its mother was the eldest, they educated it in the palace; and to him the name of Eurysthenes was given, and to the younger, Procles. They say that both these, though brothers, when they had reached manhood, were at variance with each other throughout the whole course of their lives; and that their descendants continued to be so. 53. The Lacedæmonians alone of the Grecians give this account: but I now describe these things in the way they are told by the rest of the Grecians. For they say that these kings of the Dorians up to Perseus, son of Danae, the deity being omitted, are rightly enumerated by the Greeks, and are proved to have been Greeks; for even at that time they were ranked among the Greeks I have said, up to Perseus, for this reason, and have not carried it any higher, because no surname of any mortal father is attributed to Perseus, as Amphitryon to Hercules. I have therefore with good reason, and correctly, said up to Perseus; but if we reckon their progenitors upwards from Danae, daughter of Acrisius, the leaders of the Dorians will prove to have been originally Egyptians. Such is the genealogy according to the account of the Greeks. 54. But as the account of the Perans is given, Perseus himself, being an Assyrian, became Greek, though the ancestors of Perseus

had not been so; but that the progenitors of Acrisius, being in no way related to Perseus, were Egyptians, as the Greeks also say. 55. Let this then suffice for this subject. But why, being Egyptians, and by what exploits, they obtained the sovereignty of the Dorians, I will omit to mention, as others have spoken of these matters. But such particulars as others have not taken in hand, of these I will make mention.

56. The Spartans have given the following privileges to their kings: two priesthoods, that of the Lacedæmonian Jupiter, and that of the Celestial Jupiter; and to levy war against whatever country they please; and no one of the Spartans may impede this, otherwise he falls under a curse: when they march out to war, the kings go first, and retire last; and a hundred chosen men guard them in the field: during the expeditions, they sacrifice as many cattle as they please, and take as their own share the skins and chines of all the victims. These are their privileges in time of war. 57. The others, those during peace, have been given them as follows. If any one make a public sacrifice the kings sit first at the feast, and are first served, each receiving double of whatever is given to the other guests. They have the right of beginning the libations, and are entitled to the skins of the cattle that are sacrificed. At every new moon, and on the, seventh day of the current month, a perfect victim is presented to each of them, at the public charge, for the temple of Apollo; and. a medimnus of meal, and a Laconian quart of wine. At all public games they have seats appointed by way of distinction; and it is their prerogative to appoint such citizens as they please to be Proxeni;9 and also to choose each two Pythii. The Pythii are persons who are sent to consult the oracle at Delphi, and are maintained with the kings at the public charge. When the kings do not come to the banquet, two chonices of flour and a cotyle of wine are sent home to each of them; but when they are present, a double portion of every thing is given them; and when invited to a banquet by private persons, they are honoured in the same manner. They have the keeping of the oracles that are pronounced, but the Pythii are also privy to them. The kings alone have to determine the following matters only: with respect to a virgin heiress, who is to marry her, if her 9 Officers appointed to receive and entertain foreign ambassadors.

father has not betrothed her; and with respect to the public highways; and if any one desires to adopt a son, it must be done in presence of the kings. They assist at the deliberations of the senators, who are twenty-eight in number; and if they do not attend, those of the senators who are most nearly connected with them enjoy the privileges of the kings, giving two votes, and a third, their own. 58. These privileges are given to the kings by the commonwealth of the Spartans during life; and when they die, the following. Horsemen announce through all Laconia what has happened; and women, going through the city, beat a cauldron; when this accordingly is done, it is necessary for two free people of each house, a man and a woman, to make themselves squalid in token of grief; and if they neglect to do so, heavy fines are imposed on them. The Lacedæmonians have the same custom with regard to the deaths of their kings, as the barbarians in Asia; for most of the barbarians observe the same custom with respect to the deaths of their kings. For when a king of the Lacedæmonians dies, it is required that from the whole territory of Lacedæmon, besides the Spartans, a certain number of the neighbouring inhabitants should of necessity attend the funeral: when accordingly many thousands of these, and of the Helots and of the Spartans themselves, have assembled together in one place, they promiscuously with the women strike their foreheads vehemently, and give themselves up to unbounded lamentation, affirming that the king who died last was the best they ever had. Should one of their kings die in war, having prepared his effigy, they expose it to public view on a couch richly ornamented; and when they have buried him, no assembly takes place for ten days, nor is a meeting held for the election of magistrates, but they mourn during those days. 59. They also resemble the Persians in this other respect: when on the death of a king another king is appointed, he, on his accession, releases whatever debts may be due from any Spartan to the king or the public; and so among the Persians, a newly-appointed king remits to all the cities the arrears of tribute then due. 60. In this respect also the Lacedæmonians resemble the Egyptians: their heralds, musicians, and cooks, succeed to their fathers' professions; so that a musician is son of a musician, a cook of a cook, and a herald of a herald; nor do others on account of the clearness of their

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