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nation is now making to resist the unexampled atrocity of France, and to preserve the independence of their country; and that there exists the strongest disposition on the part of the British Government to afford every practicable aid in a contest so magnanimous. In endeavour ing to afford this aid, Sir, it will never occur to us to consider that a state of war exists between Spain and Great Britain.

(Hear, hear, hear!) We shall proEceed upon the principle, that any nation = of Europe that starts up with a determination to oppose a power which, whether professing insidious peace or declaring open war, is the common enemy of all nations, whatever may be the existing political relations of that nation with Great Britain, becomes instantly our eşsential ally. In that event bis majesty's ministers will have three objects in view. The first to direct the united efforts of the two countries against the common foe; the second to direet those efforts in a way which shall be most beneficial to the new ally; the third, to direct them in a manner conducive to peculiarly British interests. But, Sir, of those objects, the last will be out of the question, as compared with the other two. These are "the sentiments with which his majesty's

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I would, after using all the means in my own power to keep them out, admit Napoleon and his government, To be sure, the ministers were not pressed for a declaration. Mr. Sheridan took care that his motion should not be an annoyance to them. But, though not pressed, they should have made an explicit declaration, that they would by no means, and in no manner whatever, attempt to dictate to the people of Spain, as to the choice of their future government. If it were proper to interfere at all, it would be merely in the way of advice, and this might be very well, and, perhaps, very properly, conveyed in a proclamation. Why should there be any skulking upon the subject? Why not issue a proclamation, at once, declaring, that the people of Spain shall have all the aid that England can give them in shaking off the yoke of both sorts of tyranny? In such a proclamation, a hope might be expressed, that (in case of success) the Spaniards would not be so foolish as to suffer themselves to be cajoled into the adoption of a sort of government, which, under the names of law and liberty, would strip them of almost their very skins, or, which would be worse, would make them strip one another; would make them, mulet, pillage, rob, whip, gag, imprison, and ruin one another. The Spaniards might, in such a proclamation, be reminded, that a state, like that here described, would be, beyond comparison, more painful and disgraceful, than that of a people, living under a simple despotism, devoid of the hypocritical disguise of liberty and law. They might be warned not to suffer themselves to become the partisans of political adventurers, who would use them merely as instruments in obtaining the means of robbing them with impunity, and who, though engaged in a continual strife against each other, hating each other more than monks, would yet, whenever occasion served, join like a band of brothers, against the people; to oppress, grind, and insult whom they would regard as an object in the furtherance of which all party animosities ought to be laid aside. The Spaniards might well have been warned to shun this, the greatest of all political evils, the most complete of all disgraces, the infamy of infamies. Against suffering a sys teni of domestic plunder to be established the people of Spain might, in a proclamation of our king, have been cautioned; against suffering to grow up a numerous order in the state, to be kept in idleness, to be fed, to be fattened, to be pampered in all manner of vices, by means drawn from the labour of the industrigus and from the inge

government are inspired. To the mea"sures which these sentiments may dictate, "they confidently look for the support "of parliament and of the country. It "cannot, sir, be expected that I should say "whether we think the crisis arrived, or "whether we anticipate its speedy ap"proach, when the sentiments which I "have described must be called into action. "It is sufficient that I have stated what we " feel, and what we intend. (Hear, hear, "hear!)-For these reasons, sir, which I have before-mentioned, I am compelled to dissent from my right hon. friend`s mo"tion."- What is there here that is likely to inspire the Spanish patriots with confidence? "To direct their efforts in a way "the most beneficial to the new ally," Aye, but there is nothing to guide us in our conjectures as to what the ministers think will be the most beneficial to that new ally. They may look upon a restoration of the monarchy, in the persous of those who gave up the sword of FRANCIS 1, the most bengficial to the patriots of Spain. They may intead to exact, as the price of the aid to be given, that there shall be no essential change in the government, the ranks, and orders, in Spain; and, were I a Spaniard, rather than receive their aid upon such conditions,

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commander of wisdom, talents, courage, and character, their chance is but very small indeed.- All this might, I think, have been said, in a proclamation, issued, at this time; but, no attempt should be made to interfere in any internal regulations, which the Spanish patriots may choose to adopt. That is their own allair. Experience has taught them what their late government was; it should be left entirely to themselves, either to take it again, or to reject it; and, upon this point in particular, I am extremely anxious, that our government should be explicit.--There was, the other day, a sen

mity of the ingenious; against sufferin bribery and corruption to worm themselves into their new government, whatever its form might be, till, at last, they got the power of putting almost to death every one who would dare to sy, that they ought not to exist; against becoming spies upon each other; against being made the tools of intriguers and tyrants; against being induced, for the lacre of those tyrants, to harass and kill one another; against, in short, every thing which is held in abhorrence by a good constitution, like, for instance, that of England. This would have been a wholesome; lesson to inculcate in the minds of the Spa-timent dropped, as it were accidentally, in niards; who might, further, have been advised, if they did choose any one man to be at the head of their government, to take special care, to choose a man of sense, and of real virtue, whatever might be his origin, or his former rank; and to take a cobbler of this description, in preference to a prince, who should be a notorious fool, or profligate, or, perhaps, both. And, then, as to their army, they might have been most urgently exhorted not to put it ander the command of any one who had discovered a mind fitted for nothing but low and pitiful arrangements and pursuits; such men, whatever their rank in the army, being evidently made for taylors or hair-dressers. The commanders, particularly in times of such importance, should all be men of great wisdom, and should be so regarded by the whole nation. There will, of course, be no bribery and corruption, in Spain, at first, and, therefore, commands in the army will not be bestowed upon silly boobies, by way of bribe to their fathers, or other relations; and, I trust, that mothers and wives and sisters and she-cousins and kept-mistresses will have very little to do in the appointing of generals and other officer.. But, above all things, the Spanish patriots should be advised to take care not to appoint for the commander of their army, a notorious stink-ing coward, a fellow the history of whose campaigns would be the reverse of the old proverb, and whose motto might be, one

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pair of heels is worth two pair of heads.” If such a man, such a winged-heeled gentleman, such a beaten thing, should be to be found in their country, they may make a kennel-sweeper of him; but, if they suffer him to be the commander of their army, they will be, and they ought to be, conquered and enslaved for ever. No, no: the Spaniards, if they are bent upon resistance, have some real war to carry on; some real fighting; no field-day, no sham-fights; no drillcorporal work; and, if they have not a

the Morning Post, that rather alarmed me, which was this: that, if we succeeded in our assistance to drive the French out of Spain, the Spanish part of the family of Bourbon must become strongly attached to this country. This is a very ugly sentiment, and very alarming, if we suppose the editor not to have acted, in this instance, without authority; for, if we are to make war for the king or prince of Spain, we shall assuredly fail; and that, too, without exciting sorrow in the breast of any man who thinks rightly upon the subject. The royal family of Spain, after having, for so many years, wallowed in ease and luxury at the expense of the people of that country, make not a single effort to defend it; no, nor even to defend the titles, under which they had exercised their anthority, and had drawn from the labour of the people the means of supporting so voluptuous a life. Upon the first summons, they surrender. In order to prevent hazard to their lives, and to secure the enjoyment of luxuries to the end of their days, they resign their titles and dignities; they, in fact, sell the people of Spain to Buonaparté for the purpose of providing a maintenance for themselves; and, the last use they make of the name of king, is, to command the people to obey their enemies'; that is to say, to become slaves to a new master without resistance. This is, I think, the most like the transfer of an estate, together with the cattle upon it, of any thing that I have yet heard of. To endeavour to induce the people of Spain to shed their blood for the sake of this family would be an act of unparalleled insolence. I hope, therefore, the newspaper, to which I have referred, uttered the sentiment, upon which I have been remarking, without authority. There is an attempt made to make us believe, that the prince of Asturias did issue a proclamation, calling upon the people of Spain to resist the French. But, why did he not stay to help ? This is a poor shift

for the purpose of screening him and hist family from odium. There is nothing that can be pleaded in excuse for his conduct. He must be a miserable coward. But, such is the natural consequence of a luxurious and profligate life. The man, whose time is spent amongst drunkards and hariots and players and musicians, naturally and necessarily becomes base, in every sense in which the word can be taken. Such society would degrade the highest spirit that ever man was born with; and hence it is, that, when a nation becomes generally effeminate, it touches upon the verge of its fall, from which it can be saved only by some great convulsion, which, though it never fails to produce great suffering, does, at the same time, draw forth great talents. If this latter should be the case in Spain, that nation will be again great in the world; but, if no convulsion takes place, there will be merely a change of masters.--- -To return, for a moment, to the speeches in parliament; it was curious to observe the coquetry between Mr. Sheridan and the ministers, to whom he offered his support His support! They His support! They must have laughed heartily at this, when they got home. Lord Castlereagh contrasted "the notle warmth" of Mr. Sheridan's patriotism, with the coldness of some others of his party. Aye, my lord, but what of warmth did you utter? You said nothing at all about the cause of the people of Spain. Against Napoleon you said enough; but, nothing for the people of Spain. Not a word. What call was there, then, for any pledge to support you, or your intended measures?And, since we are upon that topic, why blame Buonaparté in this outrageous manner? Did we never before hear of invading and overrunning and conquering states which had not offended the conqueror? Is this the first time that we ever heard of Sovereign princes being dethroned by those with whom they were in alliance, and to whom they had given no just cause of of fence? Why, if the royal family of Spain had been carried away by force, had been shut up in a dungeon, and had, at the end. of a short time, been murdered, we might, I think, recollect, without much trouble, instances to match such proceedings. Napoleon has not, that I know, actually robbed the Spaniards; he has not sent armed men to beat them up in the night, and to take their money and jewels from them; nor has he, in the indulgence of mere caprice, shot any of them to death. Till he does this, he does not come up to certain base tyrants that we have hand, rad of. It is, to be sure, black of rofligacy to pré

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tend, that the Spanish royal family really wished to give up their kingdom to him. To produce the old king's act of abdication; to produce treaties made with him; to produce any act of his in proof of Napoleon's rightful possession of Spain, is abominably impudent. But, if we reflect a little, we shall find him to be nothing more than a clumsy imitator at this work. He has not to boast of the original invention; nor can he, until he shall have caused the whole of the royal family to be murdered, while, at the same time, he has been professing a tender regard for their safety, put forward any claim to an equality with his teachers in the noble science.---Therefore, I could wish honourable gentlemen to moderate their expressions of censure against the Emperor of France; or, at least, that if, upon searching history, they find other conquerors, who have been infinitely more buse in assuming the sovereignty of independent and unoffending states, they will spare for them some portion of their virtuous abhorrence. -As to the probability of the people of Spain succeeding in driving out the French, I should fear that it was very weak indeed. The emperor has had time to con cert all his measures. The nobility were but too much like the court; and, with the natural leaders at home against them, while a powerful French army is in the heart of the kingdom, and while other powerful armies are pouring in, in every direction, what are the people to do? If there had been a large German army at Paris, in 1791, the French revolution would never have taken place. Nevertheless, if there should be a pretty general spirit of resistance, it will cost much bleed to subjugate the country; and certainly our ministers are doing right in sending off assistance to the revolters. That can do no harm, and it may do good. It is, however, a curious turn, which the war has taken, at last. We are now aiding a people against their sovereign. Disguise it how we will, this is the fact. The king of Spain has ceded his sovereignty to Buonaparté. A sovereignty ceded is a sovereignty rightfully. ́possessed; and, I should like to hear the sticklers for the law of nations" attempt to show how it is that the emperor is not, at this moment, the rightful sovereign of Spain. Mind, I do not wish to hint a doubt as to our right to aid and abet the people of Spain against their sovereign; but, I say, that it is a curious turn which, the war has taken at last. We are now at war, by the side of Democracy against Déspotism; and this certainly was not the case at the outset of the war which began in

1793. I have often had occasion to say, that now, since the emperorship of Buonaparté took place, it is not democracy, but despotism, that we have to fear. Democratical societies might now, one would think meet with the countenance of the govern-ment. What think you, my lord. Castlereagh, of a democratical society for raising money to assist the patriots in Spain? The thing would be quite natural, and yet I'll warrant, that the very mention of it will make some people's teeth chatter in theirheads.

I have been much amused with suppositious as to what must have passed amongst the divers sets of office-holders in Spain, at the dissolution of the old government. How the placemen and pensioners must have stared at one another, when they saw the ld king's act of abdication; for, they never could suppose, that Napoleon would continue to pay them. What an outery there must have been amongst all those, who had so long lived in idleness upon the labour of the people! What confusion

amongst the tax-gatherers! What wringing of hands and tearing of hair amongst the strumpets, who were kept upon the taxes! And, if there were in Spain, any old intriguing, battered, titled hags, the constant defenders of peculators of every description, how chap-fallen the old devils must have been! I think I see them now, the un-renewed paint sticking in the wrinkles, their wigs uncombed, and their teeth scattered upon the toilet, while ruflian French grenadiers are mounting the stairs, and upon the point of tossing them out as so many bundies of filth. How it must have amused the people to see the humble and mournful looks of thousands and thousands of saucy rascals, who, but a few days before, treated them with disdain, at the same time that they were living upon the fruit of their labour. All these people, and all the numerous swarms of lacquies and strunipets whom they kept to adininister to their pleasures, pust now labour or starve, They will all pass now for just what they were worth, and no more. They will not work, however; they will thieve, and then they will be hanged.These gentry thought, doubtless, that they were secure in their enjoyments for life. They saw the misery of the people; they saw them writhe under the torment of being obliged to submit, in silence, to extortion and plunder; but, they said to th: mselves, let them writhe; for they cannot destroy our authority, or suffer it "to be destroyed by France, without exposing all property to destruction.. For their "own sakes, therefore, they will submit to be

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"robbed and insulted by us. Come on, then' "let us add to, instead of diminishing, the length of our spurs; for the greater the danger from without, the more perfect will be the submission within." They deceived themselves; and they have now found, that it was possible to ride with spurs so long as to leave the people nothing to dread from without. They had got the people's all, except there mere lives, and what could the French get more? The French could not carry away the land or the houses; if they killed the people they would have nobody to rule over; a change of property they might make, but still somebody must possess it; and, therefore, after all, it was only the few, and principally those who lived upon the labour of the people, who would experience any very serious suffering from the change. Nothing of this sort appears to have occurred to the bribing and corrupting gentlemen, nor to any of the bands of aumils and peculators, who seem, besides, to have quite forgotten, that revenge not a very calculating passion, and that men, when pushed to extremity, care not if they do lose, and lose a good deal too, for the sake of seeing punishment inflicted upon those, by whom they have been long and deeply injured, especially if the injury be accompanied with insult, and the injurer, wrapped up in the impunity of office, laughs at the agonies of the injured. That the Spaniards will soon find themselves beset with new aumils and peculators, new bribers and corruptors, new robbers and insulters, I have little doubt. But, they will have seen the fall of their former enemies; and, it will, at any rate, be some time, some years, before the new ones will be able so completely to oppress them as they were oppressed before. That part of tyranny, which comes into every man's house and affairs, is a long while in growing to perfection. It creeps, by slow degrees, over a man, as the accursed ivy does over the oak. As it advances in the shoot, it gets stronger and stronger in the stem. Each new act of tyranny strengthens and confirms all that have been enacted before. But, when once the whole is loosened and torn down, though it may grow up again, that growth must be a work of time; and, in the interim, though in the midst of convulsions, men enjoy something like freedom. Though the bribers and robbers, in Spain, did not reason in this way, the people did. Instinct would teach them this. They knew, they felt, that they could not change for the worse. Their bare lives were all that they had left, and those they were naturally not

disposed to venture for the preservation of that which had reduced them to such a miserable state. To terrify a people with pictures of danger from without, and to rob and insult them under the security derived from that terror, will do for some time; but, it will not do for ever. It is not in the nature of the human mind to entertain terror for life. When it becomes familiar, it is no longer terror, and then, woe be unto those, by whom it has been excited, and who have thereon depended for impunity.

MR. ROSCOE AND MR. Fox.- -In another part of this sheet, will be found, in a letter from a correspondent, a postscript to a new pamphlet, which, it appears, Mr. Roscoe has published relative to 'he conduct of Mr. Fox in the affair of the Passy Assas sin. From this postscript, it is made clear (for I will not doubt the word of Mr. Roscoe respecting the documents and the information of Mr. Brooke), that the pretended assassin did really come from France, and was sent out of the country, in about three weeks afterwards. Mr. Roscoe now cries

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calumay. But, as to myself, to whom he evidently alludes, I never said, that the invention was Mr. Fox's. I never said, that I believed it to be so. A correspondent of mine did, say that he believed it; and, certainly, the thing was so incredible, as a real transaction, that any one was free to form his opinion respecting it. What I said, I still say and, that is, that " Mr. Fox "must have seen through the trick; or, at "the very best, he was the dupe of Tailey"rand." This was what I said; and I should not have gone too far in asserting, that, in not exposing the vile trick, Mr. Fox made himself a sort of accomplice in it. Mr. Roscoe makes no attempt to shew, that Mr. For ought to have considered the man as a real assassin, He says nothing to convince, us that it was not a trick of Talleyrand, and he will please to recollect, that that was the main point for him to clear up. Mr. Fox, could not have been in office more than a week when the assassin arrived. He was dispatched the moment the news of the change of ministry was received in France. It was evidently a dirty trick; and it was Mr. Fox's duty to expose it, instead of giving it countenance. Why was the man hurried out of the country? Why not have kept him here, till an account of the whole plot at Passy had been unravelled; till its exi tence had been proved? If Talleyrand could have sent over proofs of the existence of the plot, then the man might have been sent off; otherwise he ought to have been considered and treated as

a spy. Mr. Fox seems to have been afraid of obtaining proof of the trick; and Mr. Roscoe, even now, carefully abstains from saying any thing upon the conduct of Talleyrand, as to this matter, conscious apparent. ly, that the less is said about it, the better. I did not wish to fix upon the memory of Mr. Fox the scandal of having been the inventor of such a paltry trick, but, it was my duty, in answering Mr. Roscoe, to expose the trick itself, and to take the shine off that eulogium which he thought proper to bestow upon the greatness of mind of the man, who was either an accessary to, or the dupe of, that trick.

MR. PALMER.There is, I perceive, a committee formed, in the House of Lords, for investigating certain circumstances, relative to this gentleman's claim; and, from a what has dropped, I am inclined to fear, that the decision of the House of Commons will be reversed.. The spirit of " the great

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man now no more" is mighty still; and mighty it will be, until a material change take place. Of the nature of Mr. Falmer's claim, of the justice of it, enough was said: in my former article upon the subject; and, indeed, there is nothing that can be said to procure him justice, if what has already been said be not sufficient. But, what is the most grating to one, is, to hear the sum due to this gentleman represented as enor mous, and the paying of it as a waste of the public money, while not a word is said of the thousands and hundreds of thousands, which are annually paid out of the taxes to sinecure placemen and pensioners.---Lord Liverpool is Collector of the Customs with a monstrous salary; Lord Hawkesbury has four thousand pounds a year, as Warden of the Cinque Ports, while he has still more as Secretary of State; Lord Auckland has a large pension himself, another, for his wife, and his son has many thousands of pounds a year, as one of the tellers of the Exche quer, his gains keeping peace with the increase of the taxes and the distresses of the people; Mr. Rose is in the receipt of immense sums annually from the taxes, and has taken care to have one of his places (worth four thousand a year at least) settled, in reversion, upon his son. But, the list would be end. less. A committee was appointed, upon an amended motion of Lord Cochrane, to make out, and lay before parliament, a list of allthe pensioners and sinecure place-holders This list has not, I believe, been yet lad before the House. Two sessions have passed. since it was moved for, and ordered. By the help of this list, we might afford the public some amusing information. If wa

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