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Mr. Grattan might be, for any thing I know "doine continent of Europe." But, before to the contrary,“ peculiarly interesting id | Mr. Grattan had given his feelings of “ impressive;" but the reasoning appears sorrow upon this score, and especially before to me to bave been worth very listle indeed. I he had niade an alienipt to communicate Upon the reading of this passage, who them to bis honorable fellow lawgivers,: it would not suppose, that the speaker bad | mig..t have been worh bis while to ascerthought himself carried bail to ile yer tai: the point, bow, in what way, the force 1775“ Separating Great Britain and Ame of Great Britain and America can now be "rica!" Wiy Mr. Baring (who knows much said to be united ; because, unless two things more of the disposition of America ihan Mr.. can, with propriety, be said to be joined toGrattan ever knew), tells us, in justification | geiber, it appears to me to be pretty pearly, if of America, that it is naturally her policy 10tqnite, nonseuse, to talk of dividing them. to throw her weight into the scaleot“ France," Did Mr. Grattan mean, that the two nations notil England is deprived of her maritime were, though not directly, yet indirectly, in superiority ; that is to say, in plain words, co-operation ? The fact is notoriously the until England be upon the eve of Subjiga reverse, as has been before shown"; and, does tion. That the American Government views he think, that, froin the former state of the maiter in the same light that Mr. Ba- things, when Americans carried on the trade ring does is evident froin iis conduct ; from for France between her und her colonies its notorious and flagrant partiality to France; and her dependent states ;: when Americans from its officers, civil and military, in all its made sham purchases of French o merchant sea-port towns, giving open encouragement slips and so prevented the loss of the use of to the inveigling away of our seamen ; from those ships to France ;: when Americans the pertinacity which it has shown with re were frequently detecled in. evading our spect to its demand upon us to give up our blockades of French ports, and in conveying right of searching for seamen, a demand to our eneniy naval and military stores, which could have no im ortant motive, when Americans were seen, in the ports of other than that of enfeebling of our na: France, and (the moment Russia became val force, and a demand, too, which, our enemy) in the ports of Russia, toasting in all probability, was made, if not at the the perpetuity of the union between our instigation, at least with the decided appro enemies and America, and “ success to bation of France. To compel is to subunit their efforts against the tyrants of the seas :** to this demand an act of congres bas been does Mr. Grar an think, that, from this passed, while which act existed the late state of things, from this line of conduct, on ministers had the meanness to treat with the pari of America, the oppressed part of America, and they bave since blamed the the contiu-nt of Europe could entertain a present mninistry for not resuming the nego- | hope of deliverance? Does he think that ciation upon the same basis. From all this, ! America here acted the part of endeavouring from the publications, toleraied by the go- to sustain the character of liberty in the verument of Anierica, inviting our searen " world ?" No, sir, that which is " lost lo desert, and proposing public subscriptions " by America is not gained by France." If to reward them for en doing ; from the thou- | América loses by her being blockaded, if sands of instances of American envy and she cease to send out her ships, France loses · hatred of England; from the multitude of too, becanse she is thereby cut off from all proofs that no concessions on our part are conimunication with her colonies, which capable of abating tii: amplacable, hostility : colonies must go to rapid decay. America from all this, it abundantly appears, that i loses by being prohibited froiu, traudulently Mr. Baring is betier acquainted with the covering French ships, ind cargoes with her policy of America than Mr. Grattan is, and flag ; but does nor France lose by the same ihat to express alarm at the idea of separa- prohibition ? America ioses, in short, by ting Great Britain from America,' would, if every measure that prohibits, or restricts; it had come from any one but a member of her commerce wish France and her allies ; parliament, merit an epithet, which, from but, France and her abies lose in a much the deep sense of respect whicb I bear to greater degree. It is not true, then, that what wards the bonpurable house, I shall here is lost by Anierica is gained by France : they forbear to apply Mr. Grattan appears to were, and they are, in every thing, except be surprisingly affected, at the idea of is, die in open arms, ünited's and, as far as relates “ viding andi weukening the is only force? to matters of commerce, the loss of the one, (the force of Great Britain and America) in the way we are speaking of, is the loss vi so that remains in the world to sustain the the other. No, Sir; bu; Mr. Grattan, " character of liberty, and to hold out hopes the way to convert America from her obsti

pate, foolish and base partiality to France, , ready to sacrifice the honour of the nation is not that of concession and forbearance. / at the shrine of such despicable interests, . We have tried fifteen years of concessions The rejected treaty, the reiurned articles of

(see Register, Vol. XII. page gol and the capiculation, were received with an assurance following ;) we have shown forbearince, given to the American minister here, that such as was never before shown by any nation the negociation should not be resumed, and in the world, which had the power to resent | that no new negociation should be begun upinjuries and insulis; and, the consequence on the same basis; for which manly con. has been, new demands, fresh injuries and duct the preseni ministers bave been censufresh insults. I beg the reader to refer to red by Lord Grenville, censure, however, Vol. XII, page 961. The facts there stated which they will, I dare say, inake shift to cannot be denied, and, with those facts be- ' survive. Here ended, I hope, the long fore us, shall we make new concessious ? | chapter of concessions and forbearance to and shall we exercise still further for- | America; a nation that has repaid every bearance? The late ministers attempted it. new benetit with a new injury, every new The president sent his envoys to negociale act of kindness with a new insult, every with us upon several points ; and, in order | caress with a kick and every blessing with a to give effect to his demands, he procured | curse. an act of non importation to be passed, ready

" Tender-handled press a nettle, to be put in execution against us, if those de

And it stings you for your pains; mands were refused. Our late ministers Press it, like a man or mttle, were such ................ I dare not say

And it soft as silk remains. what they were for subinitting to trea: under

"Tis the same with vulgar natures, such circumstances, and I will not wrong

Use then kindly, they revel;

But, be rough as nutmeg-graters, my indignation by an inadequate phrase.

And the rogues obey you well." They submitted to treat ; they who talked so inuch about national honour, and the dig. | The truth of this maxim, which I applied nity of their Royal Masier, submitted to to the Americans whe: we were face to face, treat in his name, with the threat of “To has been surikingly verified by them. Un. " mas Jefferson" hanging orer his head. / der the English government which towards They did not stipulate a way our right of them, at least, was mild in the extreme, search; but, they re•erved the point for they showed an uncommon jealousy of all future discussion, and they did pledge their autbority ; they resented every thing, which “ Royal Master" to do something more, with could be possibly construed into an attempt respect to the right of search, than to take upon their inberties. Their present rulers care that there should be noabuse in che erer. knew them well, and knowing them, they cise of it. What more they would have done scruple not to give them the nuimeg-grater we were, happily, prevented from knowing, pret:y freely. Their governors and judges by their dismission from office. But “Tho do things, with perfect impunity, that would “ olas Jefferson,” was not to be put off by raise an open rebellion in England, even at vague promises. He saw our allies fast fal- | this day. It is a notorious fact, that a man, Jing before Napoleon, upon the continent of | imprisoned for an assault upon his wife, was Europe, and, by way, I suppose, of illus. forgoien in one of their prison cells, and trating Mr. Grattan's doctrine of union be, when the keeper recollected him, was tween England and Ainerica, in opposition found ded, and, ly the rats. to France, ne seized upon that moment of Yet, no stir did this make. There was no our alarm, as he imagined, to send back the public proceeding of any sort instituted. treaty unratified, and to point out the alter: 1 Another man was sent to prisou, upon sus. ations and additions, that he insisted upon | picion of robbing the bank. He was combeing introduced, just, as has been before mitted by one of the bankers. The real observed, as a beseiging general sends back, criminal was soon found oui. Yet was the an offer of capitulation. But, as his adierse first man, without any oath made against fate would have it, the commanders of ihe him, 'kept in jail for a long while, and a. garrison had, in the mean time, been chan. | mongst telons tun, upon the ground, that he ged; and, the new ones, whatever other had been employed about the locks of the faults they might have (and those were not bank, and was, therefore, a dangerous man. either few in number or trifting in magui A man who had been charged with a libel tude), they had not that of foolislı fondness for | upon Jefferson, died in jail, in Virginia, Possidantis gfferson and his freuobified fac committed by a justice of the peace, because

keretay so basely complaisant to he could not find bail 10 keep the peace and Clerles of commerce, as to be le of good behaviour, and this, observe,

previous to conviction. The bail demanded , spirit of aggression and of insolence.—was greater than it could reasonably be ex- Such a pation, Mr. Grattan, is not to be pected that the man should obtain; though won by concession, mildness, and forbeartheir constitution expressly enjoins, that ex alice; and, be you assured, Sir, that if we cessive bail shall, in no case, be demand are to remain at peace with America, ed. The tyrannical acts of the Oligar- | which, upon proper térmis, Ldesire full as chy which now reigns in America, under much as you (and have, I am pretty certain, the name and form of a republican govern- greater personal reasons for desiring it), we ment, are not to be described in a small shall have to thank the naval and military compass. The rulers are, for the greater force, now assembled and assembling at part, lawyers, and lawyers, too, observe, Bermuda. It is in vain to disguise this fact. very different indeed from the lawyers in It is foolish to fear that we shall produce irriEngland, taken in general. A set of men, tation by openly avowing our opinions who unite, without exception, the profes. We have to deal with a nation by no meaus sion of the attorney with that of the .bar delicate, and who, in short, are to be inrister; who have no sort of shame in asking | duced to act justly and moderately by nofor a job, and in under bidding one another; thing but force.-- Mr. PoNSONBY, in ihe who are versed in all the arts of chicanery report of the debate of the 10th instant, and fraud; and, who, when they arrive at is represented as having ridiculed the idea of stations of great power and influence, exer- reducing Napoleon to reasonable terois of cise, under the name of law and justice, peace, by the means of the regulations laid oppression such as despotism never dreamt down in the Orders of Council, anu to have of, to all which the people submit like spa. asked in a most triumphant tonë: " Did piels, while they have, at the same time, I " the destruction of Lyons, the first silk the front to invite our sailors 10“ partake “ manutacturing towo in France, produce “ of their liberty and happiness," thus ex- “ any serious effect upon the resources of hibiting to the world a striking instance of “ that country? Was the loss of St. Dothat harmony, which is always found to “mingo, the finest colony in the world, subsist between the sister vices, baseness of such serious consequences to the inand insolence.--In the conduct of the “ terests of France?" I answer both ques. nation towards France, on the one hand, tions in the negative. Why, this is my own and towards England, on the other, we per.doctrine, Mr. Ponsonby ; for, have I not; ceive all the marks of the same disposition. I when the resources arising from foreign There is scarcely any one sort of wrong, trade have been talked ot, said, “ look at which thev have not reoeived at the hands of " France, who has become strong and great France. They bave had their property siez. “ in proportion as she has become less comed; they have been captured at sea ; their “ mercial.” This was a most powerful ar. ships have been shot at, afterwards boarded, gument; but, then, it was directly at war and made to pay so much for each shot fired with the petition of the Sharpes and the at them; they have been detained in the Barings, and with all the long speeches French colonies; their property has been (good God how long !) intended to show, taken, .by order of the French commanders that the Orders in, Council, if persevered in the West-Indies, and paid for in bills upon in, would prove the overthrow of MauFrance, which have been refused paj ment; l chester and Birmingham, and would here. their governinent, even Washington, has by greatly injure the country, diminish its been nosed and threatened by the French resources, enfeeble it, and pave the way envoy; they have discovered that envoy for its subjugation. Yes, Sir, this argntreating with their Secretary of State for a ment of yours was a complete auswer to the bribe; they, in the intercepted dispitches speeches of your commercial friends, par. of the French envoy, find themselves de | ticularly Lord Henry Petty; also to the scribed as the most corrupt and villainous pamphlets of Messrs. Baring and Roscoe. people upon earth; some seores of them These gentlemen all vehemently contend, have been taken and flogged by the French; | that commerce is the lite-blood of the nain short, they have been kicked and cuffed | tion; and that, as the Orders of Council and buffeted and spit upon, till the French will diminish, and nearly, destroy, comappear to have been wearied with the exer merce, these Orders will, of course, be ihe cise. And yet, the consequence, as we see, ruin of the nation. But you, to whose de. is a decided, and even a growing partiality partment it fell to shew that the O: erz for France, while a precisely opposite con-1 would, by diminishing the commerce of the duct towards them, on the part of England, 1 enemy, do him no harm, laugh at the idea of has inspired then, as towards her, with a , a nation being injured by the diminution or

destruction of its trade and commerce. There the others being, more or less closely, depenwas, I must confess, a great difficulty to dent upon their will; but, this is a calamity overcome. It was the business of the whole now not to be removed by us. Our enemy faction to make the people believe, if they may remove it whensoever be pleases ; we could, that this measure of their opponents are ready to give up the rigid exercise of our was injurious to England, and not at all in- | power by sea ; but this we calimot do, while jurious to France. It was not easy to do this he holds all the land in subjection. Ameamongst men of impartiality and plain sense; rica, if shế were disposed to act justly and because, it was ailedged by you, that the ' wisely, might soon put an end to the contest. measure would diminish the commerce of By uniting in the war with us; by securing England, and we all knew that it would go to our colonies an ample supply of provisions near to produce the utter annihilation of all and lumber ; by putting every one at ease the remaining commerce in France. Tne with respect to manufactures and commerce, effect in both countries was of precisely the | and by leaving France and her dependent same nature; the difference was only in the states no hope of embarrassing us by à condegree; and, as it was evident, that what- tinuation of the war ; by these means, she ever might be the amount of the evil in would obtain the glory of giving peace to the England, it would be surpassed by the world. But these are means, which she amount of the evil in France, the balance, it will never employ, till necessity shall comwas equally evident, was in our favour. Such pel ber to shake off the rancourous faction, being the case, the course which, I think, I under which she is now sinking fra

under which she is now singing from disgrace wisdom pointed out, was, to make the most to disgrace. MR. Davies, one of the most of the evils which England would experience able and most wortliy men in America, bas from the measure, and to say not a word observed, in his excellent wok upon geograabout its operation with respect to France, phy, lately published in Philadelphia, that But, this is what a faction, in or out of place, “. the nations of Europe cannot view with never yet did. They never yet contented “ indifference a nation of transatlantic trathemselves with what told in their favour. 1 " ders that discover no sympathy in the conThey must always have more. Every thing " vulsions of a whole continent, no auxiety which they oppose must be black and white " about the sufferings of other nations, as alternately, as it may suit their purpose so to long as those sufferings open new chao. consider it. After all, however, Mr. Pon, nels of commerce, and swell the revenues sonby appears to view the Orders of Coun: 1“ of the state." Certainly, the nations of cil in a light very different from that, in Europe cannot view such a people with in. which they are regarded by me. It is evi- , ditterence. Mr. Davies has given a just picdent, that ihe measure will produce great | ture of his nation, and a most unamiable one distress in France and in all her dependent it is,: Ove great reason, that the partiality states, and the consequences of this distress to France (at all times evinced by the rulers cannot but be favourable to us. But, the of America) is yiewed with approbation by light in which I love to look at it, is that of a the people, good as well as bad, is this, that declaration, issued in the face of the world, France, being an irritable power, there is tiat England is resolved to command the more danger of a disturbance of commerce sea, and that no nation shall narigate upon it froin any offence given to her than from an without her permissioiy, or without exposing' offence given to Englund, Aš if they said: themselves to punishment at her bands. It England we kuow, will not interrupt us, was high time to do something of this sort, “ do what we will. All, therefore, that

unless we chose to sink quietly under the ", we have to do, is to keep well with 'doinination of France. No man supposes, " France." This is the principle, by wbich that Napoleon will be induced io listen to the very best of the public men iu America equitable terms of peace, merely, because his have been, all along, actuated. It is time, commerce is totally ruined; but, if, by this therefore, that we convinge them, that, maritime measure, we convince bin that we though not so ready to discover irritation as are resolutely bent upou exercising exclusive Trance is, we are pot made of such lump. dominion upon the sea as loog as he conti- ish inaterials as to be affected by no injury nues to exercise such dominion upon the or insult that ingenious malice can invent; luid, he will be disposed, if any thing can i and, when they discover, that we are not dispuse hin, to enter upou begociations for disposed w brook that wlrich they would not peace upun ternus compatible with our ho attenipt towards France, they may, perhaps, nour and our safety. It is, I allow it, a ca- in making up the account, find the balance lamity, that the civilized worlu should be di- l of danger on the side opposite to that, on vided betviceid two great master states, all which they have hitherto thought it to rest, and may be disposed to treat us as well, at so far as he meant to correct it, had been exleast, as they treat our enemy. As things ercised in a manner detrimental to the bonow stand, America must begin the work of pour of the cruwn and the interests of the reconciliation. I have always said, that it | army and of the country. The army itself was for the ministers to consider how far was constitutionally looked upon as a great they might relax, with regard to America, in infringement made by the crown on the prethe exercise of our maritime dominion. But, 1 rogatives of the people. He did not say it America is the aggressor; she passed her was an unnecessary infringement. But as non-importation act two years ago. The the army was constitutionally an invasion of first step, the very first step, therefore, is the the liberties of the people, the principle of repeal of that act. That being done, we limiting in some respects the arbitrary power may, with propriery, apd without loss of of the crown, with respeci to the army, could character, negociate with her, as to a relax. 1 not be looked upon as trenching on the preroation of the rules laid down in the Orders of gative of the crown, which held the army only Council; but, until she take that step, it is | by the indulgence of parliament. He contendfor us to remain immoveable in our presented that no prerogative of the crowu, ought position.

to infringe on the liberties of the people, ARMY.- The Mutiny Bill has passed The chiuse he should propose had nothing in the House of Commons, and with the clause view but to secure that justice and fair dealspoken of in my last. Thus has the measure | ing wiich should always mark the proceedof Mr. Windham, decidedly the best that | ings of the crown lowards the people. He ever was adopted with respect to the army, I proposed to restrain only that which no king been, apon only ı few days notice, rendered if well advised, would ever do. It was due pull and void. The votes for the clause were to the officers of the army, to afford them 159, against 116, a greater minority than that legal protection for their fortunes and the ministers had before met with. Out of lives, and what was of still more importance doors, the measure has excited great general to them, their characters, which persons of disgust, but not greater than it merits; and, 1 other classes enjoyed. They were now it is to be hoped, that, first or last, the au- wholly at the mercy of those malicious whisthors of it will meet with their just reward. pers, by which the ears of persons high in - Upon this third reading of the matiny | authority, were ever liable to be abused. Ofbill, Sir Francis Burdelt moved to introduce ficers of the army should certainly be no the following clause : " that no officer in the

ause : " that no officer in the worse situated in this respect than the rest of " army should be dismissed or deprived of his majesty's subjects. No man whatsoever his pay, otherwise than by the sentence ought to be condemned or punished without ,“ of a court-martial, or by address of either a hearing. Such was the principle of British ** House of Parliament." This being a justice. The honour of which inilitary nen question of vital importance to the remains were so tenacious, was exposed to ruin often ing liberties of the country, I shall here in- without the possibility of guarding against sert the sl:ort sketch of the debate, as it is it. The discipline of the army also suffered given in the newspapers, referring the read- | materially by the practice he wished to corer, for a more full report, to the Parliamen- rect. For when those who, if brought to tary Debates. .

trial,' would be found decidedly deserving of is Sir F. Burdett, pursuant to the notice punishment, were blended in the operation given for bim a few days since by a noble of one undistinguishing stroke of power with friend of his (Lord Folkestone) had to offer those who, if tried, had the means of procu. a clause, to prevent officers from being dis ring themselves an honourable acquittal, viranissed from the army by any other meaus tue and good conduct, in a great measure, than the sentence of a Court Martial. He | lost their stimuls, and bad conduct was thought such a provision of essential imat. | sheltered from a great part of that shame, tance to the army, to the interests of which was the most effectur) check upon its crown, and those of the country. The forta vicious progress. "As the object he had in of the proposition he had to make was so view was to prevent future abuse rather than moderate, that he did not conceive any ob. I to censure the past, he forbore to cast any jection could be made to it. He was not reflection or to cite any of those cases which aware of any opposition being intended, ex- l it would be competent to adduce. He might cept from some loose ideas that had been be told these were cases in which persons thrown out, of its trenching on the Preroga- were dismissed, whom it would be hard to tive." He did not think it did. But even if expose by a court martial, ihough it would have it were true that it did, he should not think been highly improper to continue them in the that would be a reasonable objection with service. Persons of this kind night be perthe bouse, if he could shew that the power, i mitted to resign, and thus there would

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