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significant, if not a plain answer, to a plain question. It was, therefore, a convenient expedient to make the minister of another department, write a demi-official letter which you justly observe, says nothing to the main point, thus leaving both parties at liberty to avail themselves of the subterfuge the Americans by saying that Decrés's letter served them as an exemption,the French by maintaining that no such exemption had been granted by any competent authority.-The latter it is clear by the decree from Milan of the 11th December last is the French understanding of the matter, nor has the contrary been maintained. It has never been said that the French acknowledged having exempted the Americans, (Regnier in his report states the direct contrary) only that the latter chose to construe Decrés's letter into an exemption :with what reason or justice I have already told you.AN ENGLISHMAN.- London 28th March 1808.

ON WAR.

SIR,I perceive that you have inserted in your Register of the 12th instant, a paper of mine, dated February the 15th, written in consequence of some observations made by you, in your first letter to Mr. Roscoe, upon the general question of war; which were intended by you as an ethical explanation of the subject, preparatory to subsequent remarks more immediately connected with the politics of the present day. In that paper, with a view of giving as clear a statement of my ideas as I thought was adapted to the importance of the question, I divided the ar-gument into four distinct parts: two of which were employed to prove that a tendency to war, is not, as you have stated, naturally implanted in the mind; but, that it proceeds from a desire of acquiring some object supposed to be capable of affording gratification to the party engaged in the mean of action; which object is to be attained by this mean only, or is, perhaps, more readily to be attained by it, in preference to any other. The third and fourth topics, that remain to be considered, and on which, you will observe, you and I are less at variance than on the former; apply equally to the question originally introduced by you, and are, probably, objects more likely to meet with general attention: I shall, therefore, resume the discussion in the order I set out with.--III. Now, Sir, as I have admitted that a tendency to war exists, but have endeavoured to prove that this tendency is not instinctive; it may, perhaps, appear strange that mankind, in its early state,

should have ever thought of attacking one another, if they had not been guided to it by a natural propensity: and yet, it seems stranger, nay, even more unnatural, that they should have ever thought of respectively arming two bodies of their own species, for the express purpose of murdering each other, as it is called, in cold blood. To con sider these acts according to the doctrine, that I have previously maintained, that men are led to fight from the desire of possessing certain objects; it will be necessary to examine into the nature of such objects, in order that we may be enabled to determine upon the third article of my arrangement, viz. the good or evil resulting from a tendency to war, or, the operation of its effects upon society at large. In the first formation of society, a disposition to war must have been far more general than it is at this time: every man, in fact, became a sort of warrior from absolute necessity; in as far as, without engaging in pursuits of a sanguinary and warlike nature, it was impossible for him to provide the necessaries of life, and to defend himself from beasts of prey. At length, from slaying certain animals to satis fy his hunger, and from sacrificing others to render him more secure; his hands were continually imbrued in blood, and his mind was habitually accustomed to the most dis gusting scenes of slaughter and barbarity: the natural ferocity of his temper was increased his imagination,-from associating the ideas of slaying and of food, the last of which could only be procured through the medium of the first; from anticipating, I say, the enjoyment of the food, not only be came reconciled to the slaughter, but took a pleasure in contemplating the act, as prepa ratory to the gratification of his appetite. In this state, it is not to be supposed that society entertained much sense of right or wrong their calls were all of them essential, and all of them of the same nature. Is it to be wondered at then, that,-seeing their usual occupation, seeing their disposi tions infected with a love of blood, and, moreover, reflecting upon the difficulties they must have encountered to obtain these accommodations, wretched as they were; they should be urged to the destruction of one another, provided, by this step, they were likely to gratify their wants with greater ease, or in greater plenty! From this, it must appear that the objects, for which mankind originally fought, were sensual: `of which, indeed, a most striking example is presented to us by Garcilasso de la Vega, who makes mention of a nation in South America that went to war with other tribes,

with a view of violating the female captives that might be taken, whom they, afterwards, confined until the delivery of their offspring, which (shocking to relate) were fattened, torn from their mothers, barbarously murdered and eaten by their inhuman fathers! Such an instance of unnatural depravity is scarcely credible: the mind sickens at the thought of it, and is appalled at the profligacy of the race!--But, without going to these extreme cases, it is easy to shew that, as mankind advanced in civilization, the objects, for which they fought, were more rational: their wars, by being conducted by persons regularly embodied, were less bloody, less brutal, and less frequent. Heretofore, in this country, when, in feudal times, one lord made war upon another; the objects, they had in view, were mostly selfish, and the lives of their respective vassals were sacrificed to gratify some private passion of envy, jealousy, or revenge; to all of which, by our present mode of warfare, men engaged in battle are superior and if, as is generally the case, the motives, that induce them to engage, are not so disinterested as they are frequently supposed to be; yet, when they are once in action, the motives are forgotten, magnanimity is displayed, every noble feeling is summoned on the occasion, and, instead of being egged on, as in former times, by personal malice and ill-will, each party strives to gain its end in a manner as little destructive to the other, as it can. Hence, we see that modern warfare has the advantage of that anciently in use it is better calculated not only to repress the gross passions of mankind, but to substitute noble virtues in their room. This is greatly to be attributed to the objects being of a different description; but, more especially, to what is sometimes inconsiderately condemned as a proceeding repugnant to every principle of justice: I mean the fighting, as it were by proxy, in the person of an army. Surely, Mr. Cobbett, if war be necessary, (and, from the experience history affords us, it is unavoidable) it is better that it should be carried on by men who are capable of exercising discretion, of discriminating with judgment, and of acting with moderation; than by others, who blinded by their passion, think of nothing but gratifying their will, and, having lost their reason, descend to a state of intemperate brutality.By a little farther consideration, it must appear still more evident that our present system of warfare is superior; and the notions of injustice, cruelty, and immorality attached to raising standing armies, whose business it is occasionally to fight, is a vulgar preju

dice arising from a supposition that if such bodies were not instituted, mankind would live in peace. That this, however, would not be the case, it is humbly presumed, the preceding remarks have shewn: for, if the practice (which is itself one of the refinements of civilization), were abolished; alk other improvements would decline: science, trade, and arts, no longer would be protect ed; and the country, wherein the abolition took place, would be reduced to a state of abject slavery to another power, by which it had not been carried into effect: or, in the event of its being universally adopted, mankind would gradually revert to its original si tuation of uncultivated ferocity. In aid of this, it need only be observed that civilization results, by degrees, from a spirit of warfare continually kept alive: I say continually, because, if the acquirement of the first object (for new objects will arise in order one after the other) be sufficient to subdue that spirit for a time; the nation which is so satisfied will never make any considerable progress: it is liable to relapse, in the interim, to its former state of barbarity, from which, each successive spirt would only be sufficient to recover it to the situation, it had, in the first instance arrived at; whence, it would again decline, and so; alternately, flow and ebb, without advancing one jot beyond the point, it had originally gained. If the Americans before alluded to had kept alive their spirit, instead of kindling it every now and then to gratify their appetites; they would, in the first place, have been better employed, and, in the next, have been made sensible of the criminality of their conduct. By way of example, take into consideration the practice of the Romans; who, in the infancy of their establishment, actuated by revenge, had recourse to a measure in a very slight degree similar, with a view, principally, of resenting an affront, they had received: after having accommodated their differences with the Sabines, a war with whom, their conduct naturally produced; they did not, however, rest at home, in indolent possession of the objects they had acquired; they did not give themselves up to, what might then be called, luxury and ease; but preserved their spirit of military enterprise, and, in the reign of their sixth king, found themselves in a condition to send out an army of 80,000 men. As they advanced in civilization, their military strength increased; so much so, that, in the time of the commonwealth (not long before Hannibal appeared) they were able, comprehending the neighbouring states in alliance with them, to muster, in the invasion made upon them by the Gauls,

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700,000 foot, and 70,000 horse; and of themselves, including only Rome and Campania, they could bring into the field, 250,000 foot, and 23,000 horse ! these times, it is reported, Rome was in a higher state of civilization, than at any other respectively preceding them; and in proportion as its military establishment increased, so did the virtue of its people: which proves that a tendency to war, instead of generating inimoral actions, and promoting vicious habits, elevates the mind, purifies human nature, and divests it of its sensualities. From which, however, is not to be inferred that a nation, to be prosperous, must always be at war: the objects, for which its spirit should be kept alive, are not so much the extension of its dominion, as the retension of that which it may be pos sessed of: if vigilance be employed in the proper direction of a tendency to war, few objects will stimulate more powerfully than jealousy of encroachment, either upon the territory itself or upon the privileges of its constitution; and a good government will always be jealous of the movements of its neighbours, whereby, (without being petulant or bickering for trifles) circumstances will occur sufficiently often to give an opportunity of combining practice with the theory. In short, for a nation to be secure in the maintenance of its dignity, and to have the power of prosecuting those measures that will give permanency to its existence; it is absolutely necessary that it should be prepared to resist encroachment, and possess the means of correcting insolence; without resorting, upon every occasion, to the efforts of its people indiscriminately amassed together; by which, the economy of its administration would be deranged, and its progress in refinement unavoidably retarded. IV. To determine upon the fourth and last point that remains to be considered, viz. the advantages or disadvantagesof a tendency to war, when compared with a disposition to peace; it is material to inquire if mankind, in a state of peace, is less averse to the destruction of one another, than in time of open war? In resolving this inquiry, it will be found that the grosser passions (to gratify which, it bas been presumed, the spirit of warfare took its rise) are more readily wrought upon and less easily satisfied in peace than in open war: the absence of the nobler virtues, such as courage, fortitude and perseverance, giving in this instance, upon the same principle as in the last, a greater latitude to the will; though, at the same time, preventing its being exercised to the full extent, by fear, weakness, and irre

solution being substituted in their stead. Hence it is that less real devastation is committed in those nations mostly living in a state of peace, than in others more frequent ly engaged in war; but, it is to be observed, that, in the former, attempts are often made to sacrifice human life to become possessed of certain objects; the only difference be tween them being, that, in the latter, open measures are employed (if any are employed at all) to effect the same purposes, which gives the party that is attacked an opportu nity of exerting himself in his defence; while, in the other, insidious operations are directed against him, which, in the end, prove equally destructive, but are projected and carried into execution without endangering the aggressor. That a disposition to peace generates couurdice cannot, for a moment, he disputed; and that cowardice is the mother of cruelty," is a position as generally admitted. Of these two facts, we have a prominent instance in the Chinese nation; which has been noticed by you, Mr. Cobbett, as an example of the effects of a people living in an almost perpetual state of peace. So mean and dastardly are their spirits, that, it is recorded by modern historians, the very act of laying hand upon the hilt of a sword is sufficient to make them tremble from head to foot; and he must be a man, the nerves of whose system are of a more firm and tense nature than is ordinarily the case, who can support himself from fainting at an exhibition of the blade! And yet, Sir, this is the nation whose refinement in cruelty, is such, as to display, in its code of penal laws, punishments far more excru ciating than are adopted, or even known, in other countries where a disposition to war exists in addition to breaking upon the rack, they have recourse to hain-stringing, burning out the eye-sight with unslaked lime, and many other tortures that are peither fit nor necessary to be spoken of. But, in no instance, is the abominable inhumanity of this people more conspicuous, than in the unnatural sin of infanticide, which is carried to such an extent, that, in the streets of Pekin alone, it is estimated, from two to three thousand babes are annually exposed, to fall a prey, both alive and dead, to the dogs and swine that roam about in search of food! The very few times they have been engaged in war, the same cowardice has dis played itself, and has urged them to extremes as ridiculous as they were pusillanimous in an account of the invasion of Yecunan, (one of their provinces,) it is reported, the inha bitants were so terrified, that, in order to avoid the enemy, they absolutely franged and

and necessary measure." It is irrational, then, to inveigh indiscriminately, against war, without examining into the objects, for which it is carried on; it is folly to stigmatize it with the cant phrases of modern philosophy, without looking into the principle, upon which it is conducted. Let the object be proved defective; shew its error, and point out a remedy; and if, after this, (no matter whether the issue of the contest turn out favourable or not) war be prosecuted and human life sacrificed; then may it, with great propriety, be called a wanton waste of blood, and a pure, unadulterated evil. That this, very often, is the case, no person can deny; but then, it is not a sufficient reason why the proceeding should altogether be condemned: there are few measures, however excellent in their nature, but are subject to being misapplied, and it not unfrequently happens, that this very excellence in their nature, renders them the more liable to perversion. I am, therefore, Sir, inclined to agree with you perfectly in opinion, that war, generally speaking, is a good; though, like the greater part of other good things, not unmixed with evil."I remain, Sir, yours, &c.-W. S. L.-Holborn, March 19, 1808.

drowned themselves for fear!- -But it is needless to dwell any longer upon this despicable race: let us take another view at the Romans, who, by means of a tendency to war, raised themselves from a petty tribe of plundering shepherds to a great and wealthy people, who were, at once, the awe, the wonder, and yet the admiration of their cotemporaries; and are, even in these days, holden up as an example of fortitude, dignity and valour worthy of imitation. By suffering their military spirit to decline, how ever by giving themselves up to the luxuries of peace; and by relinquishing pursuits of a warlike nature (most likely, for want of objects sufficiently attractive; for they had arrived at their ne plus ultra, in point of dominion): this nation, this terror of the world, this conquering race of heroes was reduced to the extremity of employing hireling troops to fight its battles, which, as may be naturally expected, led to a total overthrow of the empire. The Greeks (another nation equally renowned, in history) shared the same fate, by suffering their warlike tendency to decline; so that, when attacked, in the fifteenth century, by the Turks, they were under the necessity of leaving their de fence to mercenary soldiers, it being impossible to prevail upon a single natiye to take up arms on the occasion; in consequence of which, they, also, fell an easy prey to the ambition of their enemies.-In short, Sir, let it be considered in which way you please, a tendency to war, under proper restrictions, is not only preferable to a tendency to peace; but is essentially important to the interests of a nation. Even in private society, with the best intentions in the world, it is almost impossible to go through life without creating enemies; and it must not therefore be expected, that a nation, which is an object of universal observation, can long exist in perfect harmony and peace. War, when considered by itself, is, like most other measures that cause the shedding of human blood, hurtful to the mind and repugnant to the feelings, but, as I observed particularly in my first letter, it is not the medium, but the object, that is to be looked at: and, more over, in support of what I then said, respect-ject, permit us most positively to assure your ing the connexion between virtue and publie excellency, that all our advices from Enghappiness, it is worthy of remark, that, als land agree in stating, that neither the prothough the objects, which operate individual-perty nor the persons of Russian merchants are in any way molested ; and it is with the utmost deference that we presume to suggest to your excellency, that had such steps been resorted to in England, the sufferers would long since bave made known their case la their friends here, and that it must have 15 been communicated to your excellency Alau

ly upon the respective inclinations of some men, are such as induce them to engage in war from a principle of self interest; yet, the common object to be attained by the joint influence of their exertions, can never be inconsistent with the principles of virtue, if that war be, strictly speaking," a just

OFFICIAL PAPERS. Russra.Memorial presented to Count Romanoff, the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, by the English Merchants resident at St. Petersburgh, the result of which was the notification by the Count that the Passports required would be grant ed.-Feb. 28, 1808.

We, the English Merchants who had the honour of waiting on your excellency on Saturday morning, take the liberty of stating to your excellency in writing certain points of our conversation, to which we are most particularly desirous of drawing the attention of your excellency Your excellency was good enough to assure us, that our detention here was only a measure of precaution, adopted until information should be received of the manner in which Russian merchants should be treated in England. On this sub

HOLLAND.- -Decree issued, by the King of Holland, dated Jan. 24, 1808, relative to the abrogation of the Kniphausen flag.

Louis Napoleon, by the Grace of God and the constitution of the kingdom, King of Holland, and Constable of France,-Pursuant to the actual ratification of the treaty concluded at Fontainbleau, on the 11th of Nov. 1907, by which the Lordships of Kniphausen and Varel, are united to this kingdom, in like manner as the territories which are comprised in the possessions of the princes, constituting a part of the confedera

though an embargo was laid on Russian | shipping, in consequence of the detention of British ships in this country, yet the lenient measures adopted on that occasion by his Imperial Majesty's government were not without their effect on ours.-We have now certain information, by letters of 22d Dec. (N. S.) that the embargo has not only been taken off, but an Order of Council has been issued, permitting the cargoes of all vessels which may have sailed from the ports of Russia before the 1st of January to be delivered to the consignees, and after receiving their freights, &c. allowing the ships them-cy of the Rhine, we have decreed and do selves, as in time of peace, to return. We hereby decree as follows:--Art. I. The trust your excellency will not consider the Kniphausen flag being abrogated in conseadoption of hostile steps by the English go- quence of the union of that territory with vernment against ships of war and their this kingdom, shall be no longer recognized, crews (the obvious and almost necessary or valid. The consuls and other agents of consequence of the unfortunate misunder- Count Bentinck, as Lord of Varel and Knipstanding betwixt the two countries), as just hausen, shall be no longer recognized in the cause for detaining the persons of merchants, said capacities.-II. All inhabitants of the or other private individuals: and it ought Kniphausen and Varel territories shall be at still less to affect us, who, during a long re- liberty to carry Dutch colours. They are sidence in Russia, have endeavoured by loy-charged to change the antient colours, which alty and good conduct, to merit a continuance of that generous protection which we have hitherto enjoyed. We further beg leave to add, that we have discharged every debt, and that in the event of our departure, no inconsiderable property will remain under sequestration. Most of our relatives have ceased to write to us, under the pleasing expectation of soon seeing us, whence our family affairs, which now demand our whole attention, as the sole means of future subsistence, suffer not a little, whilst the absence of all occupation renders us doubly sensible to the painful uncertainty of our situations.

-Under these impressions we once more beg to recommend our cause to your excellency's protection; and from the favourable manner in which your excellency was pleased to express your sentiments on the subject, we ventured to persuade ourselves that your excellency will represent our case in such a point of view to the higher powers, as to produce the removal of those obstacles which have so long interposed to prevent our departure. According to your excellency's permission, we inclose a list of the names of the young men (élèves) in the different counting-houses, to whose peculiar situation we claimed your excellency's attention, and in whose behalf you so kindly promised your interference. We answer for their never having been engaged in commerce, either directly or indirectly.

they may have belonging to their vessels, the same being utterly cancelled.-III. All requests made to Count Bentinck, for leave to sail under the ancient flag, shall immediately be sent to our Minister of Finance.-IV. Our Ministers of Finance, of the interior, of Justice and Police, and of Marine, are charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall be inade public in all places where it may be deemed necessary.

FRANCEA Senatus Consultum, of the 19th Feb. 1808, published by order of the French Government, contains the following dispositions.

Art. I. Such foreigners as shall render, or have rendered eminent services to the state, or who possessed particular talents, shall settle in France, and introduce there any useful invention or branch of industry, shall, after twelve months residence, enjoy all the rights of French citizens.--2. This privilege shall be conferred to them by our special decree, bytue of the report of a minister, after the council of state shall have been heard.--A copy of the said decree shall be deliver o the foreigners so naturalized, signed bthe and judge, minister of justice.-4. With this copy he shall present himself before the municipality of the place where he means to reside, and take the oath of obedience to the constitution of the empire, and of allegiance to the Emperor.

Printed by Cox and Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had; sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall Mall.

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