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But adhering to the moderation by which he has been invariably guided, and anxious to rescue the two nations from the circumstances, under which an abortive issue to your mission necessarily places them, he has authorised me in the event of your disclosing the terms of reparation which you believe will be satisfactory, and on its ap

evidence of the justness of his Britannic majesty as a pledge for an effectual interposition with respect to all the abuses against a recurrence of which the proclamation was meant to provide, and to proceed to concert with you a revocation of that act bearing the same date with the act of reparation to which the U. States are entitled.--I am not unaware, Sir, that according to the view which you appear to have taken of your instructions, such a course of proceeding has not been contemplated by them. It is possible, nevertheless, that a re-examination, in a spirit, in which I am well persuaded it will be made, may discover them to be not inflexible to a proposition, in so high a degree liberal and conciliatory. In every event, the president will have manifested his willing ness to meet your government on a ground of accommodation, which spares to its feel

it follows, that a continuance of the pro clamation would be consistent with an entire discontinuance of one only of the cccurrences from which it proceeded.——But it is not necessay to avail the argument of this view of the case, although of itself entirely conclusive. Had the proclamation been founded on the single aggression comImitted on the Chesapeake, and were it ad-pearing that they are so, to consider this mitted that the discontinuance of that aggression merely, gave a claim to the discontinuance of the proclamation, the claim would be defeated, by the incontestable fact, that that aggression has not been discontinued. It has never ceased to exist; and is in existence at this moment. Need I remind you, Sir, that the seizure and asportation of the seamen belonging to the crew of the Chesapeake, entered into the very essence of that aggression; that with an exception of the victim to a trial, for bidden by the most solemn considerations, and greatly aggravating the guilt of its author, the seamen in question are still retained, and consequently that the aggression, if in no other respect, is by that act alone continued and in force?--If the views which have been taken of the subject have the justness which they claim, they will have shewn that on no ground what-ings, however misapplied he may deem ever can an annulment of the proclamation of July 2d be reasonably required, as a preliminary to the negociation with which you are charged. On the contrary, it clearly results, from a recurrence to the causes and object of the proclamation, that, as was at first intimated, the strongest sanctions of G. Britain herself would support the demand, that previous to a discussion of the procla,mation, due satisfaction should be made to the U. States; that this satisfaction ought to extend to all the wrongs which preceded and produced that act; and that even limiting the merits of the question to the single relation of the proclamation to the wrong committed in the attack on the American frigate, and deciding the question on the principle that a discontinuance of the latter, required of right a discontinuance of the former, nothing appears that does not leave such a preliminary destitute of every foundation which could be assumed för itWith a right to draw this conclusion, the president might have instructed me to close this communication, with the reply stated in the beginning of it; aud perhaps in taking this course, he would only have consulted a sensibility, to which most governments would, in such a case, have yielded.

them, every concession, not essentially due to those which must be equally respected, and consequently will have demonstrated that the very ineligible posture given to so important a subject in the relations of the two countries, by the unsuccessful termination of your mission, can be referred to no other source than the vigorous restrictions under which it was to be executed.-Į make no apology, Sir, for the long interval between the date of your letter and that under which I write. It is rendered unneces sary by your knowledge of the circumstances to which the delay is to be ascribed. (To be continued.)

COBBETT'S

Parliamentary History

OF

ENGLAND.

The Fourth Volume of the above Work, comprising the Period from the Restoration in the year 1660, to the Revolution in the year 1688; will be ready for delivery on Saturday, the 25th instant.-On the same day will be published, the Tenth Volume of "Cobbett's Parliamentary Debates."

Pinted by Cox ano Baylis, No. 75, Great Queen Street, and published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges aucet, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be har, sold also by J. Bydd, Crown al Ane, Li Mell,

VOL. III. No. 251] ::: LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 18, 1808.

[PRICE 10D. "Give the people tonicthing to fight for, and you need have recourse to no coercive means to make them "fight."-SIR PATRCIS BURDETT's Speech upon the Local Militia Bill. 951]

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. SPAIN. The news from Spain is, I an afraid, too good to be true; but, if it be true; if the people are really making a stand against France, it is a most glorious circumstance, and is a fine illustration of Sir Francis Bardett's doctrine, that the people need never be compelled to fight; need never be driven to take up arms; need never be logged to the work, provided they feel, that the canse is their own. Not a hand was raised to defend the authority of either the king or the prince; bt, the moment they were safely gone, the people appear to have fait a return of their ancient character, and a desire to be great and tree. The accused thing was

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removed from the camp," and the happy effects were speedily experienced. It will, indeed, be an interesting event, if the Spaniards, with an abdicated the one, should res. ene their country from the fangs of the French; or, if they should make any, thing like a respectable stand against them; and, the thing is possible; for, though an im juense army will be poured in upon them, a nation so populous and so large as Spain is not very soon over-run. To get rid of Napoleon and of their own stupid, tyrants too will, indeed, be a glorious atchievement; but, I am afraid, it is something too glorious to hope for. -Gar ministers seem to be using great promptitude in giving them assistance. I hope, that ro vile miscreant will whisper in their ear, that they ought to be cautions; that this is not the cause of kings; and, that it is better to suffer Napoleon to triumph than to let the world see, that the people of any country are adequate to their own defence. I hope that no vile selfish miscreant will give such advice; but, really, I have my fears, that, when time has been taken for canvassing the subject, to reflect on the probable consequences of giving li berty to the people of Spain, or, of aiding them in the undertaking of reviving their liberties; I really have my fears, that when time has been taken for this, we shall preceive an abatement of that zeal, which, at present, appears to be operating in their behalf. I know, that there are men, who, though they hate Napoleon, because they are afraid of him, would see him conquer

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and enslave the people of Spain, rather than see that people free. With such persons there is nothing so formidable, nothing so horrible, nothing so diabolical, as freedom enjoyed by the people. To them, Napoleon is au object of hatred, not as an enslaver of nations, but as an overturner of authorities and a plunderer of the rich. If they lose their power of living upon the labour of the people, that is all they dread; and, as there is a chance of their enjoying their plunder under Napoleon, they would, upon all occasions. prefer his sway to such a revolution, as should effectually protect the people against all plunderings whatsoever. Let us hope, however, that no such miscreants will find their way to the ear of our ministers, upon this occasion; and, if they should, let us hope, that their advice will be rejected. To assist the people of Spain (such assistance being uncoupled with any condition as to the internal government of the country), I, for my part, would grudge nothing; and, I believe, that the whole country has the same feeling. It is certainly, if we go seriously to work, in our power to do much. We liave the complete cominand of the sea. In Spain there are many sea-ports. We can supply the Spaniards with an abundance of arms and ammunition. We can send them artillery, and excellent artillery officers, and some good engineers. We can spare them a small army of soldiers; and, in short, we can put it in their power to beat the French. But, then, it will require great Frankness on our part; and, above all, an explicit declaration, that we will, at no time and in no manner, interfere in the internal concerns of Spain; but, that the people shall be left to their own free choice as to all matters relating to their own government. This is, however, what, I am afraid, we shall not do. Any thing that we isuse will, we shall see, be filled with reservations, and with doctrines about loyalty and religion; and, that being the case, the Spaniards will have no confidence in us. We shall, I am afraid, talk about their king being held in captivity; and, if we do, the people of Spain will treat us just as the people of France did. Napoleon is become a sort of general protector of crowned heads. It is not his intet to see,

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ay where, a change in favour of the liberties of the people; and his interest agrees but too well, in this respect, with the inclinations of most of the governments, which he attacks, and which the people will not defend against him, merely because it is impossible for him to make their lot worse than it is.- -The COURIER newspaper tells us, that the country feels unusual anxiety for the "patriots" of Spain. This print is quite enthusiastic in their cause. I wish it may not soon receive a damper. I wish it may not hear a voice, saying: "What are you about, Courier? Do you know how dangerous it is to talk of patriots? Do you "consider that the people of Spain are acting "for their own preservation, and not for the "exclusive benefit of a base, corrupt, and

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try may be defended, its liberties restored, " and its honour and greatness asserted?

Pray, consider, what a contrast this event "will make when compared with what has happened in those countries, where the "kings and princes have remained; and "where the struggle (such as it was) has "been made for them. In the power of

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Napoleon there is, to be sure, great danger; but, my dear Courier, that power, were it ten times as great as it is, would "not be an object of a thousandth part so "much dread, as the success of a people, "who should, at once, defend themselves "against him, and annihilate domestic bri"bery, corruption, and oppression." It will grieve me to see this damper applied to the Courier, who, having its eye fixed upon Napoleon's power, now talks so cheerly about the patriots of Spain;" but, I must confess, that I am greatly afraid of it; for, to wish success to the people of Spain is to wish destruction to bribery and sycophancy and peculation, than all which, to the heart of the Courier, nothing appears to be more congenial.If Napoleon were baffled in Spain, there is no telling to what that might lead. The ultimate consequence might be the deliverance of Europe. I mean the "real deliverance," and not a mere exchange of despotisms. The effect in America would be wonderful; though I should be greatly surprized, if, in the United States, the government, the present reigning faction, were not decidedly hostile to the Spaniards, Dildants.

that faction being French at heart, and nothing but French.- -There is, it is said, an envoy in London, from the Spanish patriots, the VISCOUNT MATEROSA, who has been fully accredited by our ministers; so that, it would seem, that there are occasions, when to be patriots is no sin-All this is delightful, if we do not change our minds; but, I have gre. t fears upon that score. I have great fears, that there are, in this country, several men, who, rather than see the Spaniards really free, would see them exterminated, and Buonaparté marching in triumph over the land stained with their blood. I will not name these men; but, I wish my words to be remembered, and most sincerely wish the correctness of my opinion may not become too evident, before many months have passed over our heads. Sheridan has, I see, given notice of a motion upon the subject of Spain, which motion is to be made, it seems, to-morrow, and, as I shall not, in this sheet, have an opportunity of noticing the debate, I will here make a remark or two upon what was said relative to the propriety of making any motion at all. Mr. Perceval could not see what good "could arise from the agitation of such a

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subject;" and Mr. Whitbread thought, "that the moment was so critical, that Сс every matter of the kind should be left entirely and exclusively to the discretion "of the executive power." For what? I can see no reason for that at all. Let the communication with Spain be carried on by, or through, the king; but, at the most critical of all times, shall the parliament disperse, and express not one single sentiment relative to Spain They are allowed, God bless them, to send up to the king as many addresses as they please, upon any and upon every occasion; but, they are not to whisper a word by way of advice.--Nothing can be more proper than a resolution passed by the parliament, expressive of their joy at what is reported has taken place in Spain, and of their earnest hope, that no means within our power will be neglected to give success to the arms of the people of that country, so basely abandoned, so shamefully sold, by their rulers.Into such a resolution might be wrought the sentiment of the parliament respecting the principle upon which aid should be afforded to the Spaniards; which would operate as a check upon those, who might be tempted to carry on war for the Spaniards, upon the vile principle that it was carried on for the royal ist French.

-The motion will do good, at any rate, and I do not think it is possible that it should do any harm. If it make the

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know nothing of it. If the news, that has been received, be true, there ought, before now, to have been a congratulation pass between the king and the parliament. Mr. Sheridan, in answer to Mr. Whitbread, said, that he felt the urgency of the business, " and was, therefore, resolved not to leave "it to the slow and skulking hesitation of "the ministers." Nobly resolved! if you do but stick to it. A skulking hesitation, indeed! What should have prevented them from declaring their intentions before now? What danger could there possibly have been in their avowing themselves the friends of the people of Spain? It appears to me to be one of those cases, in which disguise could not possibly be of any service, supposing the views of the ministers to have been what they ought.We ask them to divulge no secrets. We do not ask them how, or when, they are going to aid the Spaniards. All we want to know, is, that they heartily wish success to the people of Spain. We want to be assured, that there are no lurking stipulations about royalty in contemplation; no design whatever to seize upon the treasures of Spain; and, in spite of all they can do, Mr. Sheridan's motion will bring forth that which will discover their intentions in the

Cow-Pox. This experiment, which has cost the nation twenty thousand pounds, or more, to Dr. Jenner, is now, it seems, to have an act of parliament to give it currency. Mr. Rose has brought in a bill for the purpose of " establishing a central institution "in London for the distribution of the cow ἐσ pox matter," which bill, in all appearance, will pass; and thus this disgusting and degrading remedy will cost the nation another four or five thousand pounds annually, though it has been clearly proved not to have answered the purpose intended.

This, however, I regard as cheap, when compared to the menace of MR. FULLER, who, in a late debate proposed a compulsory law upon the subject. He took up the old idea of Mr. Wilberforce, who was for a law to prevent parents from having their children inoculated with the small pox matter, unless they chose to send them to pest-houses, or

to some place at a considerable distance from any other habitations. This cruel and ty rannical proposition I opposed at the time a and I am happy to perceive, that it is now universally exploded, except by the deluded few, who have been weak enough to enrol themselves in a sort of combination in favour of the cow-matter.—I should like to have heard Mr. Rose's statement of the circumstances at Ringwood, whence, he says, it is evident, that the failure arose " from "the use of improper matter." That many persons, who had been inoculated with the cow-pox, caught the small pox, and died, at Ringwood, is a fact that even "the Royal "Jennerian Society" cannot deny; and, this being the case, what man, in his senses, will put any faith in the efficacy of the cow-pox, as a preventive of the small pox? The thing is done. It has failed, and it is in vain to endeavour to prop up its reputation; for, in a few years, it will become proverbial as a humbug.The pretext of spurious matter is the weakest defence that ever was set up because, it is evident, that such will alway be the excuse. The methodist pike, who told his shoal of gudgeons, that, if they hac faith, they might jump into a chalk pi without so much as straining their ancles answered all their reproaches with saying, that their broken bones were owing to thei own sin in not having faith, and referred for proof, to one amongst them, who had ac cidentally escaped unhurt. All that catc the small pox and die, have been cow-poxes with spurious matter, and all who have no yet caught the small pox, after the cow-pos operation, have had the pure matter; and se it will be, to be sure, to the end of the chapter- Who is to collect this "genuine matter", and whence is it to come? Whể shall tell whether he inoculate with the cow-pox or with king's evil? Or with man! other disorders, one of which I will no name, but which I do hope, that fathers and mothers, who have given their children tha greatest of blessings, a pure stream of blood will not forget, when they are about t cause that blood to be impregnated wit matter taken from the ulcerous bodies d others. The small pox is liable to no snc, fatal consequence. The disorder is so we known as never to be mistaken; and, as the risk, what is a little risk of death, com pared with a great risk of that which mu render life a continual burden ?--I ar glad, however, to perceive, that the minis ters took care to intimate their decided ho tility to any law for propagating the cow-pol by force, by the aid of pains and penalties This being the case, I care little about M

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Rose and his cow pox institution. Those, who choose to have their children's blood impregnated from that shop, will be at liberty so to do; and those who wish to avoid it, may. This is all right; though it may be very foolish indeed to make laws upon such a subject. I think, we may thank the events at Kingwood for this ministerial protest against compulsory measures. It would have been curious enough to see people paying penalties for being so obstinate as not to consult their own health, or that of their children!The present application to parlia ment is a pretty good proof, that the project is beginning to be blowed upon. Royal Jennerian Society "want funds. subscribers have fallen off; and so application to the public purse is become necessary. Way have the subscribers fallen off? Their humanity has not waxed cold, to be sure. It were slander, indeed, to suppose that. But, I suspect, that their faith has waxed cold; and, when that is the case, zeal soon slackens its operations, more especially when those operations consist chiefly in the expenditure of money.- -Some persons will, perhaps, blame me for thus exciting alarm in the minds of parents, who have applied the cow-pox to their children. But, they who are really alarmed, will perceive that the remedy is at hand, and will not fail to apply it; and, besides, it is for me to look to the future as well as to the past.

POST-CHAISE WORK.This seems an odd title to an article under the head of politics; but, it will be found, I think, that certain proceedings, relative to the price of posting, involve principles of great moment, in politics. The reader will have observed, that, for sometime past, there has been an advertisement in the news-papers, purporting, that certain "Noblemen and Gentlemen met occasionally, at the St. Albans Tavern, for the purpose of concerting measures to heep down the price of posting.--I was, when I first saw this advertisement, tempted to notice it; and, I cannot now delay to do it, seeing what has passed, upon the subject, in the House of Commons. ----On the tenth instant, "Mr. Sheridan rose pursuant to notice, to move for leave to bring "in a bill to amend the acts relating to licences. His object, was to make it obligatory on the magistrates to assign a reason "whenever they took away a licence, or "refused to grant one. He adverted to the "recent meetings of members of both "houses of parliament, at the St. Albans "Coffee-house, with a view to prevent the "rise in the price of postage; and the re

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cences.Mr. Fuller said, it was evident "that there were many persons at the meetings at the St. Albans Tavern, who were not members of both houses of parliament, for the right hon. Gent. could "have heard the statement he had just made "of his proposition, only from the unfair "understanding of a post-horse master

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looking for the high prices. What he had "stated, was, that the only mode of obtaining remedy was by encouraging competition. But in cases of gross abuse in remote places, where there was no room "for competition, he allowed he suggested "the propriety of the magistrates taking away the licence, and he cited the precedent of a licence taken away from an Innkeeper who charged a French ambassador going out of the country, 1501. for a "breakfast. It was fit the magistrates "should have such a discretion in cases of gross abuse, and to subject them to assign reasons would be to subject them to the "lash of the Court of King's Bench, and "the recovery of penalties by the criminal

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publican."As to the subject of this motion, this annual lure of Mr. Sheridan to the publicans of Westminster, it is hardly worthy of notice, there being only a few sot-pot fools in that city, who do not clearly see to the bottom of it. But, it here comes out, in the shape of an acknowledged fact, that it was suggested, by a member of parliament, to the "noblemen and gentlemen," at the St. Albans Tavern, to use their power lodged in their hands, as magistrates) for the purpose of punishing inn-keepers, for charging them at what they deem too high a rate for carrying them about the country; to punish men for asking such or such a price for their work and the use of their chattels ; and, this fact I deem a most disgraceful one to both the head and the heart of the parties proposing and entertaining the measure.It matters little whether the price of posting be exorbitant, or reasonable; though, from any calculation that I can make, I think it reasonable; and, my wonder always has been, how the inn-keepers, in the part of England that I am most acquainted with, can perform it at so cheap a rate as they do. The proof that it cannot be performed cheaper, leaving a proper profit to the inn keeper, is that it is not performed cheaper; for, if a larger profit were derived from

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