I

ter, before I was informed by you that the president of the U. States would consent to the separation of the two subjects.-I had trusted that the exposition which I added to my letter of the 25th of Jan., to the verbal explanation I had before offered, of the grounds of his majesty's demand, was both in its purport, and in the terins in which it was couched, such as to prevent a suspicion that they were in their intention derogatory to the honour, or calculated to wound the just sensibility of the nation. I may add, that such a supposition could not be reconciled with the various ostensible and unequivocal demonstrations of his majesty's good faith and anxiety, that this transaction sheaid be brought to an amicable termination, which were exhibited even prior to any remonstrances on the part, or by cider of this government. The other topics which I felt myself authorized to advance in that letter, in illustration of that amicable disposition on the part of the king, were brought forward from the conviction I entertained that they must be of a nature to be satisfactory to this government, and therefore such as it was particularly my duty to enforce, but not with a view to rest upon them the right to advance the claim which I have stated. may here remark, it is obvious that far from requiring that the first step towards an ar rangement of reparation should be taken by the U. States, G. Britain has already made them openly and distinctly: they are indubitable testimonies to the respect borne and decidedly marked by G. Britain, to the ties of amity subsisting between the two nations, and of her cordial desire to maintain them unimpaired and as such alone they were urged. As his majesty would have derived sincere satisfaction from the evidence of corresponding feelings on the part of the U. States, so it would be the more painful for me to dwell upon a series of insults and menaces, which without any provocation or warlike preparation on the part of G. Britain, have been for months accumulated upon her through the U. States, and but too frequently from quarters whose authority necessarily and powerfullycommanded attention. I ought perhaps to apologize for adverting to an incidental expression in your letter, if I did not think it right to remove any ambiguity respecting the nature of the claim which G. Britain maintained to her seamen, native citizens of the realm, who have deserted from her service to that of other powers: it is, that on demand they shall be discharged forthwith, and conse

quently, they shall instantly be freed from their newly contracted obligations.-Before ¦ I close this letter, allow me to state to you, Sir, that I have felt it my duty to transmit to his majesty's government, the exposition contained in your letter of the 5th inst of the various demands on the honour and good faith of G. Britain, on which the complaint is made, that satisfaction has not been afforded to the U. States, and on which, conjointly with the affair of the Chesapeake, you informed me that the proclamation of the president of the U. States of the 2d of July, 1807, is founded. It will be for his majesty's government to determine, on the part of G. Britain, whether any and what obligations remain to be fulfilled by herwhether any denial or such protraction of redress have occurred on her part, as to render necessary or justifiable the perseverance in an edict, which, when not necessary or justifiable, assumes a character of aggression? And whether on the result of these considerations, the present negociation can be resumed on the part of his majesty, with a due regard for his own honour, or with a pros pect of a more successful termination.-I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed) G.

H. Rose.

FRANCE AND AMERICA -Letter of M. Champagny, to Gen. Armstrong, dated Paris, Jan. 15, 1508.

Sir,The different notes which you have done ie the honour to address to me have been laid before his Majesty --The proceedings of England towards all governments are so contrary to the law of nations, and to all the rules constantly observed even among enemies, that no recourse against this power is any longer to be found in the ordinary means of repression. In order to annoy her, it is become necessary to turn against her the arms which she inakes use of herself; and if transient inconveniences result therefrom, it is to her alone they are to be imputed. Since England respects na laws, how could they be respected with regard to her? The maritime laws which she violates, ought they still to be a protection to her? And if some powers tolerate the infractions committed on their independence, could they have the right to require, that France alone should restrain herself within limits which her enemy has every where overleaped?—The United States, more than any other power, have to complain of the aggressions of England.

(To be continued)

VOL. XIII. No. 26 ]

[PRICE JOD.

993]

SUMMARY OF FOLITICS. SPANISH REVOLUTION. This is a subject, which, let the event be what it may, must be deeply interesting to every man who reflects; and, as I took occasion to observe in my last Register, I think, nothing could be more proper than such a discussion and decision, in parliament, as would have been a pledge to the people of Spain. and to the world, that the intention of England was to assist that people in recovering and establishing their liberties, and that, for that assistance, nothing was to be demanded. But, when Mr. Sheridan was stated to be the motion-maker, that was to be expected, which has taken place; nantely, a miserable fetch at popularity, a shew of being above party considerations, and, not unlikely, the sowing the seeds of a profitable job. This is a pretty use to make of the cause of the Spanish patriots!--The motion of Mr. Sheridan (which was made on the 15th instant), was prefaced by a speech, the equal of which for nothingness, I never read in my life. I must insert it; for, to give an adequate description of it is impossible. Mr. Speaker. However I may regret that the proposition which I had "the honour of giving notice that it was my intention to bring forward this evening, has been postponed until this late hour, and that the intention of the house "must be considerably exhausted by the "discussion which has just terminated, yet, "Sir, I still think it right to submit to their "consideration, the important subject which

66

was the object of that notice. I cannot conceal that a kind of negociation has "been carrying on between my right hon. *friend opposite and myself, in the course "of which my right hon. friend expressed "his wish that I would put off my motion for this evening, because the distinguished persons who have lately come over to Eng "land to represent to the British government "the state and disposition of their native country are at this very moment partaking

(994 "the hospitality of his mansion. Sir, I "allow that this was a strong reason on the part of my right hon. friend for desiring a postponement of this business; for I believe, "with all my right hon. friend's public spirit "and enthusiast, that he has no very great "inclination to lose a good dinner-(laugh). "But as my right hon friend has detached a very able general (the secretary of state "for Ireland) to represent him at his house, "I feel less reluctant at thus intruding on "his patience, and shall therefore proceed,

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only expressing my hope, that the gal"lant baronet may soon be detached on a "more serious service; that he may soon "be sent into Spain to represent in that country the enthusiasm of England in her cause-Hear, hear!).-In the first place, "sir, I wish to correct an idea which has gone abroad, that I entertained the folly, "the presumption, the ill judgment, and "the bad taste, of intending to teach his "majesty's ministers how to conduct them"selves in the existing circumstances. "I desire, sir, is to win the attention of the "house to the present situation of Spain.

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All

Having communicated the tenor of my "motion on a former evening to my right "hon. friend opposite, and my intention

not having been disapproved by my right "hon. friend, I own I was surprised to "find that his right hon. and learned

colleague imagined that my motion would "tend to embarrass his majesty's govern ment. After the communication to which I have alluded, I expected that he would give me credit for having no such object in "view. On the other hand, I experienced something like rebuke from my hon. friend (Mr. Whitbread), who seemed to think that I was going to bring forward a motion "which was to save administration from all responsibility on the subject. Now really, "sir, this was a most unfortunate outset on iny part. I meant to do neither the one thing nor the other. And here I must say, that although no man living more 2 I

highly respects the political probity and 1 ability of my hou. friend, as well as the "estimable qualities of his private character, yet when he gets up to rebuke me for do ing that which appears to me to be my duty, I am free to confess, while I applaud his judgment-his understanding"the deliberation with which he decides on questions of importance-that if there be any one point in his character on which I "should not be disposed to dwell with the greatest satisfaction, it would be his de"ference to the opinion of others, or his doubt with respect to his own—(a laugh).-I am placed, sir, in this dilem“ ma; that while my hon: friend accuses me of a disposition to cover administra"tion, the right hon. and learned gent.

opposite suspects me of an intention to do "it all the mischief in my power. Sir, I may be wrong-I am far from wishing "ministers to embark in any rash and ro"mantic enterprise in favour of Spain;

but, sir, if the enthusiasm, and animation, which now exists in a part of Spain, "should spread over the whole of that coun

try, I am convinced that since the first "burst of the French revolution, there ne

ver existed so happy an opportunity and "occasion for Great Britain to strike a bold "stroke for the rescue of the world."(Hear, hear, hear !)-But, sir, it is said,

"to let Spain know, that the conduct "which we have pursued we will not pet"severe in, but that we are resolved fairly "and fully to stand up for the salvation of Europe. The next demand I have to "make Sir, is, that if a cooperation with Spain be expedient, it should be an "cffectual co-operation. I repeat, that I am far from promping his majesty's government to engage in any rash romantic enterprise; but, Sir, if upon ascertaining the state of the popular mind, in

from bringing forward a motion prematurely to embarrass his majesty's government, I solemnly declare, that, "if the opportunity to which I have alluded "of a vigorous interference on the part of

that with which I had the honour of being "connected, has pursued simply and plainly one clear and distinct object. "Instead of striking at the core of the evil, *the administrations of this country have "hitherto, contented themselves with nib

bling at the rind. In the cerstire, I must not include an hon. friend near me, nor Mr. Burke, they would have "proceeded directly and completely to "the object which they had in view, or "they would not have advanced to it a 63 step. But with these - exceptions the ministers of England have pursued a petty policy; they have gone about filching sugar islands, and neglecting all that was dignified and all that was consonant to the truly understood interests "of their country. I wish therefore, Sir,

"

England should arise, the present Ad"ministration shall have from me as cordial "and as sincere support as if the man "whom I most loved were restored to life "and power. Is this a vain discussion? "Let those who think so look at the pre sent state of Europe. Will not the ani "mation of the Spanish mind be excited by the knowledge that their cause is espoused, not by ministers alone, but by "the Parliament, and the people of England? If there be a disposition in Spain to resent the insults and injuries, too enormous to be described by language, which they have endured from "the tyrant of the earth, will not that dis position be roused to the most sublime "exertion by the assurance that their efforts "will be cordially aided by a great and

"vance to their assistance with a firmer step, and with a bolder mien, that "I have been, anxious to afford this opportunity to the British Parliament, of expressing the feelings which they enδε tertain on the occasion. I move, Sir, that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to direct that there be laid before "this House, copies of such proclamations as have been received by his Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and which have been issued since the arrival of the French army at Madrid; whether by the Spanish Government, the French Commander in Chief, or by persons since claiming to act on behalf of the Spanish nation."- -So, here, after all, is a motion for laying before the parliament, papers which are in the possession of all the world, and which the mover must bave known, that the government could not possess in an official forn. But, it was clearly his intention not to make any motion that should be any thing more than mere smoke; a mere pretence for making a mobcatching speech, and, at the same time, to pay his court to the ministers. I wonder who it was that uttered the " laugh," at the empty stuff about the "good dinner" and the "able general ?" It must have been some stupid beast in the gallery; for, it were, indeed, a slander to suppose that any member of the honourable and right honourable corps below; that any lawgiver; that any guardian of the public purse; that any senator, should have been moved to laughter by such wretched attempts at wit, by such worse than gnard-room or even green-room ribaldry. This was a pretty way to go to work to convince the patriots in Spain, that the English parliament sympathized with them. When a man sympathizes with another, who is in imminent danger, he cannot be much in a humour to jest. Any motion, relative to the affairs of Spain, should have been introduced with seriousness and earnestness, with as much life and force as you please, but with no jesting, no rabble-amusing jokes.—And, then, the long preface about the "houour"able friend," the palpable fishing for a compliment, discovered the selfishness of the real object in view; and would, if the peo ple of Spain could have heard it, have made them despair of any aid from a parliament, in which they appeared to have only such friends. The preface to the matter surpas ses, in bulk, the matter itself. The speech. is all whet and no cut. It is merely flummery. There is nothing of sentiment, or

| principle, contained in it; and, as will be seen, Mr. Canning's answer was, as might have been expected, equally unmeaning-Mr. Secretary Canning replied nearly as follows: "Mr. Speaker, I am disposed to give every "credit to my right hen. friend for his mo"tives in agitating this subject, and I can

assure him, that he is very much mistaken "if he imagines that it was intended to "check or rebuke him by any thing that "was said on a recent evening from this side "of the House. At that time, although I "was in possession of my right hon. friend's "communication, my right hon. friend near me was not so. Sir, I could very

easily shew my right hon. friend, that it "is impossible to produce the papers for "which he has moved: some, because "they have not reached his Majesty's Go"vernment in an authenticated form;