various chieftains. Under Nero the whole region was made a Roman province, bearing the name of Pontus. The last of the petty monarchs of the district was Polemo II., who married Berenice, the great-granddaughter of Herod the Great. She was probably with Polemo when St. Paul was travelling in this neighbourhood about the year 52. He saw her afterwards at Cæsarea, about the year 60, with her brother, Agrippa II." Pontus is also immortalised in sacred history as the dwelling-place of some of the early Christians, to whom St. Peter was inspired to address his first Epistle: "Peter, an Apostle of Jesus Christ, to the strangers scattered throughout Pontus," &c. It is uncertain in what sense the Apostle terms these Christians "strangers," whether in a geographical or spiritual sense; if in the former sense, the Apostle means that they were Jews dwelling in a foreign land"the dispersed among the Gentiles;" if in the latter sense, the word was applicable to them as to all Christians. "We are pilgrims and strangers upon the earth".

"Heaven is our fatherland,
Heaven is our home."

The Apostle penned his Epistle to these Christians in all probability between the years 50 and 60; and at the time he wrote they were exposed to some especial troublesthey were "in heaviness through manifold trials." These trials, most likely, were severe persecutions, which they were exposed to as Christians, through the cruelty of their pagan rulers. When we bear in mind that the district in which these Christians lived became a Roman province in the reign of the cruel Emperor Nero, we naturally conclude that one of the first proofs he gave them of his imperial sway was felt in the persecuting edicts

which he issued against their religion; thus, while the Apostles Peter and Paul (according to tradition) were destroyed by Nero at Rome, the seat of Government, his cruelty was felt even on the distant shores of the Black Sea. But while this evil man was, by his crimes, preparing himself for a miserable death, St. Peter could say to the persecuted ones in Pontus, "The trial of your faith will be found unto praise and honour and glory at the appearing of Jesus Christ; whom not having seen, ye love; in whom, though ye see Him not, yet believing, ye rejoice with joy unspeakable and full of glory." They "died in faith," and multitudes of others arose to be "baptized for the dead." About forty years after St. Peter's death, Pliny the younger was Governor of Pontus and the neighbouring district, in the reign of the Emperor Trajan. A very remarkable letter is still in existence, addressed to the Emperor, which is of the utmost value as a truthful testimony to the prevalence of Christianity in the district of which he was the ruler. The letter is comparatively long; but as some of our readers have not before seen it, we will quote it entire :

"Pliny to the Emperor Trajan. It is a rule, Sir, which I inviolably observe, to refer myself to you in all my doubts; for who is more capable of removing my scruples, or informing my ignor ance? Having never been present at any trials concerning those who profess Christianity, I am unacquainted not only with the nature of their crimes, or the measure of their punishment; but how far it is proper to enter into an examination concerning them. Whether, therefore, any difference is usually made with respect to the ages of the guilty, or no distinction is to

be observed between the young and the adult; whether repentance entitles them to a pardon; or if a man has been once a Christian, it avails nothing to desist from his error; whether the very profession of Christianity, unattended with any criminal act, or only the crimes themselves inherent in the profession, are punishable; on all these points I am greatly doubtful. In the meanwhile, the method I have observed towards those who have been brought before me as Christians, is this: I interrogated them whether they were Christians; if they confessed, I repeated the question twice again, adding threats at the same time; when, if they still persevered, I ordered them to be immediately punished; for I was persuaded whatever the nature of their opinions might be, a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy certainly deserved correction. There were others also brought before me possessed with the same infatuation, but being citizens of Rome, I directed them to be carried thither. But this crime spreading (as is usually the case) while it was actually under prosecution, several instances of the same nature occurred; an information was presented to me without any name subscribed, containing a charge against several persons, who upon examination denied they were Christians, or ever had been so. They repeated after me an invocation to the gods, and offered religious rites, with wine and frankincense, before your statue (which for the purpose I had ordered to be brought together with those of the gods), and even reviled the name of Christ whereas there is no forcing, it is said, those who are really Christians into a compliance with any of these articles. I thought proper, therefore, to discharge them. Some among those who were accused by a witness in person, at first

confessed themselves Christians, but immediately after denied it; while the rest avowed, indeed, that they had been of that number formerly, but had now (some above three, others more, and a few above twenty years ago) forsaken that error. They all worshipped your statue and the images of the gods, throwing out imprecations at the same time against the name of Christ. They affirmed, the whole of their guilt or their error was that they met on a certain stated day before it was light, and addressed themselves in a form of prayer to Christ, as to some God; binding themselves by a solemn oath, not for the purposes of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery; never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should be called upon to deliver it up; after which it was their custom to separate, and then reassemble, to eat in common a harmless meal. From this custom, however, they desisted after the publication of my edict, by which, according to your orders, I forbade the meeting of any assemblies. After receiving this account, I judged it so much the more necessary to endeavour to extort the real truth, by putting two female slaves to the torture, who were said to administer in their religious functions; but I could discover nothing more than an absurd and excessive superstition. I thought proper, therefore, to adjourn all farther proceedings in this affair, in order to consult with you; for it appears to be a matter highly deserving your consideration, more especially as great numbers must be involved in the danger of these prosecutions, this inquiry having already extended, and being still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages, and even of both sexes. For this contagious superstition is not confined to the cities

only, but has spread its infection among the country villages. Nevertheless, it still seems impossible to remedy this evil and restrain its progress. The temples, at least, which were once almost deserted, begin now to be frequented; and the sacred solemnities, after a long intermission, are again revived; while there is a general demand for the victims, which for some time past have met with but few purchasers. From hence it is easy to imagine what numbers might be reclaimed from this error, if a pardon were granted to those who shall repent."

The great value of this celebrated letter is evident to every thoughtful person. It demonstrates such facts as the following: First, that many Christians existed at the end of the first century in the remotest districts of the Roman Empire. Of course the Acts of the Apostles and the Inspired Epistles declare this to be so; and here is Pliny's letter, written within forty years of the death of most of the Apostles, unintentionally yet strangely corroborating the New Testament history. "Great numbers (he says) are involved in the danger of these prosecutions, this inquiry having already extended, and being still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages, and even to both sexes. For this contagious superstition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection among the country villages." If in those remote parts of the empire the name of Christ was SO widely diffused, what multitudes of disciples He must have had in the centre-spots of the empire! Secondly, what a vivid idea this letter gives us of the severe persecutions to which these early Christians were exposed. Well might St. Peter speak of their "fiery trials,"-of

their being tried like gold in the fire.

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Pliny the younger was by no means a naturally cruel man, and yet he speaks of these early Christians as if they were So many noxious animals who of necessity ought to be hunted to death. "I was persuaded, whatever the nature of their opinions might be, a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy certainly deserved correction." How strange to hear the gifted Pliny call our religion a contagious superstition;" to hear the strong-minded Tacitus term it " detestable superstition." What if Pliny and Tacitus were alive now ? What a hearty Amen would they add to the words of St. Paul"Where is the wise? Where is the scribe? Where is the disputer of this world? Hath not God made foolish the wisdom of this world? For after that, in the wisdom of God, the world by wisdom knew not God, it pleased God, by the foolishness of preaching, to save them that believe." How very interesting is the testimony, which Pliny bears in his letter, to the pure morality of the first Christians. "They affirmed the whole of their guilt or error was that they met on a certain stated day before it was light, and addressed themselves in a form of prayer to Christ, as to some God, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not for the purpose of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery; never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should be called upon to deliver it up; after which it was their custom to separate, and then reassemble, to eat in common a harmless meal." Would that the morality of all professing Christians were as pure as that of these disciples on the shores of the Black Sea!

Moses as to the name of the Elohim who was addressing him, the Lord said to Moses, "I AM THAT I AM." "Thus shalt thou say unto the children of Israel, I AM hath sent me unto you. Jehovah, the Elohim of your fathers, of Abraham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob, hath sent me unto you; this is my Name for ever, and this is my Memorial unto all generations." Again, in the sixth chapter (verses 2, 3), we read, "I am Jehovah, and I appeared unto Abraham, and unto Isaac, and unto Jacob, by (the name of) ElShaddai, and, as regards my name, Jehovah, I was not understood by them; yet, verily, I have established (or rather, taking the tense as a prophetic future,-I will establish) my covenant with them to give them the land of Canaan." These two passages taken together elucidate the following points: first, that though the name Jehovah was in frequent use as the title of the Elohim of the Patriarchs, yet its full significance was not revealed to them; secondly, that it was to be viewed in connection with God's covenant and promise; and, thirdly, that now, after the lapse of some hundred years, the true import of the name was to be unfolded by the manifestation of the Deity as a personal living Being, working in behalf of Israel, so as to fulfil the promises made to the Fathers. Thus the sublime idea of an unchanging, ever-living God, remaining faithful to His word through many generations, began to dawn upon the mind of Israel, and that which was hoped for and sealed up in the Name during the Patriarchal age, began to work itself out into a substantial reality.

God's personal existence, the continuity of His dealings with man, the unchangeableness of His promises, and the whole revelation of His redeeming mercy, gather round the name Jehovah. "Thus

saith Jehovah," not "thus saith Elohim," is generally the formal introduction to the prophetic messages. It is as Jehovah that God became the Saviour of Israel, and as Jehovah He saves the world; and this is the truth embodied in the name of Jesus, which is literally Jehovah Saviour.

Strange and unsatisfactory efforts have lately been made to divide the writers of the Hebrew Scriptures into diverse and even hostile theological parties, making their records almost a farrago of fragments, written partly by worshippers of Jehovah, partly by followers of Elohim, compiled by an Elohist, revised by a Jehovist, retouched by an Elohist, and so on ad infinitum. We are not bound to believe that all the parts of Genesis were originally written by the hand of Moses, though the book certainly bears the stamp of Mosaic authority; and if any theory could be established which tended to show that there were various writers using different styles, and speaking of God under different titles, no objection could well be raised against it. But more than this is demanded. Critics, who have little but their self-consciousness to guide them, and gifted with undoubted zeal and ingenuity, draw up complicated systems (if, indeed, they may be called systems), according to which the Book of Genesis is parcelled out among various writers and editors; but the task of one man is hardly accomplished before it is replaced by something still more elaborate and irrational, attempted by another hand. It would surely be far more profitable to inquire whether the various names of God in Scripture are not used by the sacred writers advisedly, so as to bring out the various aspects of His character and dealings. Though it is beyond the limits of the present work to enter fully into such an investigation, a few points may be ob