from time to time are made by the Parliament of the mother country the passage of the Reform Bill, the abolition of slavery, the repeal of the Corn Laws, and a dozen other splendid measures I could name. show that instead of our Constitution being worn out, it is re-invigorated every day, and preparing itself for new trials and new questions as they may arise. Look at it during the war, when England was menaced on every side, surrounded by hostile nations; see her with her nicely-balanced Constitution, affording the means of free and powerful action; bursting through the combinations arrayed against her, and moving triumphantly through the machinations of continental enemies. But we are told that the Pilgrims came out to New England, and brought with them an elective Council. Sir, I ought to say nothing against the Pilgrims, because I am a descendant from that stock; but, because I have Pilgrim blood in my veins, that will never blind me to Pilgrim errors. The old book the learned member for Annapolis has quoted to-day reminds me of some of them. The Pilgrims were fond of liberty, but has he ever heard of the Blue Laws of Connecticut, which flourished under one of these old charter constitutions? Talk of Church and State, sir! why they existed in more rigorous form in some of those old Colonies of New England than they do in the mother country; which, although it gives preference to the Church, does not proscribe and persecute everybody who does not conform to the privileged religion. But this was done in the old Colonies, whence the gentlemen now draws his examples. Who burned the witches? Who hunted down and persecuted hundreds of people that ought to have had the protection of the government? Had the pre

rogative of the crown existed in those days in its proper strength, supported by a second branch, it would have mitigated in some degree the horrors of persecution. Therefore the gentleman's examples are unfor ́tunate, and his bill is true to no system he has quoted. It is neither fish, flesh, nor good red herring. He does not give us any constitution that now exists or that ever did exist on the face of the earth.

One word, sir, about the American Constitution. It was framed while the States were in deadly conflict with the mother country; when every man who had any thing to do with its construction hated and detested England, and therefore they wanted to make it as different as possible from any thing English. It results from that feeling that the best men in the republic, the moment they accept office, have to withdraw from the Legislature, and are cooped up within the four walls of their respective departments, and become incapacitated from mingling in public dis

cussions; and their superior intelligence, tact and abilities are lost to the country.

When in Massachusetts the other day, I saw a man of much worth and intelligence; who had lost his seat in the Legislature. Well, said I, why do you not offer again? He told me that he could not; he had given an unpopular vote about the Blue Mountains, or some other local affair; and because he had lost his seat for one place, and the law did not allow him to offer for another, the Legislature lost the benefit of his labors. Now, sir, that may be a very good system, but I like ours better. A man in London may represent Dublin, or a man in Dublin may represent Cork; a man in Scotland may represent London, if London chooses to elect him. There are many restrictions and disabilities in the American system which we hardly see, but which operate much worse than those in the constitutional government we possess. I do not say that an elected judge may not do justice as well as one chosen by the crown; but if I was going to be hanged, I would prefer to be hanged by a judge chosen in the old way, which has been sanctioned by the usage of centuries, rather than by one elected. But, says the gentleman, the country is ruled by an oligarchy. I answer, that the country was ruled by an oligarchy when twelve men, sitting in secret, carried on the legislation of the second branch, and wielded the executive functions of the government, independent of public opinion. We are no oligarchy now, because our power must be exercised in strict accordance with the will and wishes of the people, no matter what political party holds the reins. But that old Council carried on the government for years, and I might call him an oligarch for sustaining and defending it.

But we showed, sir, that no oligarchy can exist in this Province; for we scattered that Council to the winds, and had others formed more adapted to the requirements of the country; and now the people have as much control over the government of Nova Scotia, as they have in either the United States or England. Who doubts that if the honorable member had come here with a majority at his back, we should have retired, and left him the offices and patronage of the government? I might have thought it hard, as any man would who does his best for the good of his country, but I would have had no right to complain; and I am sure I would not call the gentleman an oligarch for availing himself of the power which the suffrages of the people had conferred upon him. I should have taken my hat, and left him in undisturbed possession. He may ask, would I be satisfied? Perhaps not; but what would public opinion care for that? I might show the people that they were wrong

and I was right; and perhaps I might get back before many years, with my friend the Attorney General, to measure swords with our friend again. But our system is disliked as too monarchial; and the learned member talks as if he were determined to banish every thing aristocratical off the face of the earth. Does he take his lessons from the United States? If so, let me ask him if he ever heard of the "upper ten thousand?"-a very expressive phrase that originated in that country, and which includes a certain wealthy class, that cuts off all others less fortunate in the acquisition of worldly possessions, and looks down upon the poor, and the snobs, with commiseration and contempt. Let the gentleman go into any large city of the Union-let him visit any of the watering places in the summer season, and he will find as much aristocratic feeling and as much exclusiveness, as he ever found in Nova Scotia or as can be found in England. Why, it is said that John Bull loves a lord; but if a lord wants really to enjoy himself for a few weeks, the right place to go to is into the United States, where he will be feted, lionized, and made ten times as much of as ever he was in his own country. Any brainless fellow, who can put on a title, will have excellent quarters in the United States, until he is found out; and if I wanted to be treated with great hospitality and consideration across the borders, I would only have to show that I was one of the " upper ten thousand" of some other country, and that would be a passport to the favors of the wealthy. In that country they have had elective and free institutions for seventy years. Responsible government has only been in operation in Nova Scotia for four or five years. If we had got it seventy years ago, how rapidly would the country have advanced! I venture to say that any gentleman who saw Canada seven or eight years ago, and who sees her now, will tell us that she has sprung forward with a bound, and has felt an immediate impulse from the operation of her free institutions. All her public measures have been carried with an unprecedented spirit of harmony; every exciting question has also been swept off the books in Nova Scotia; and if the member for Annapolis had been swept off with them, there would be peace and quietness in the land, and Nova Scotia would go forward with vitality and success, under the operation of her free institutions.

Look at the action which this House has taken on a great public question that enlisted the sympathies of a large portion of our people.

Show me a question of importance that has been dealt with by great communities with more vigor, efficiency and harmony than we have exercised here; and although success has not yet crowned our efforts, I

Sir, I

know free institutions have done much for us in ameliorating the asperities of party and promoting objects of public interest. believe that five millions of people have poured into the United States since the Declaration of Independence; and if any fair comparison is to be drawn between their institutions and ours, one thing ought first to be considered- that ours should be tried before they are condemned.

Sir, I have taken this, perhaps the last opportunity I may have, of giving my sentiments on this great public question. Any thing that is elective may be popular. Any thing that would give privileges to my countrymen, it may be unpopular to oppose; but I have stood before them with an open countenance on other questions; and I may say to all classes that while a combination of the three Provinces is required to open up the industrial resources of the country, I do not think I ought fruitlessly, frivolously, and vexatiously to lend my countenance to a measure, which I believe in my heart, I will not say is designed, because that would be discourteous, but which is most admirably calculated to render hopeless and useless all our exertions to raise British North America to the position she ought to occupy.

On the 24th of March, Mr. Howe and his colleague, Mr. Fulton, were triumphantly returned for the county of Cumberland, having been stoutly opposed by a very formidable combination. With the flush of victory on his brow, Mr. Howe heard by telegraph, while standing on the hustings, of the death of Sir John Harvey, under whom he had served for four years as Provincial secretary, and for whom he entertained very sincere respect and affection.

On returning from Cumberland, through the county of Colchester, he was met by a large escort of the yeomanry in sleighs, entertained at a lunch, and presented with an address from which we take an extract.

The relation in which we stand toward you for the past number of years, has bound us to you by the strong ties of love and gratitude. We are well aware that the duties of the statesman are numerous and various. When we reflect on what you have done for our native country, we feel grateful that we have so long enjoyed the services of one so able and willing in the service of our beloved Nova Scotia.

The ability and zeal with which you have labored in the business

connected with the forwarding of the railway scheme; the cleverness and earnestness which ever characterized your illustrations of important subjects, and the fervor with which you brought the matter before the British Government, has laid us under a debt of gratitude to you which we never can repay.

The unhappy exposition of Earl Grey to a considerable extent has marred the progress of your negotiations; now we feel glad to have it in our power, in your own presence, to exonerate you from any blame that may arise from the misunderstanding, in delaying the great enterprise which we are all so anxious should progress.

The history of Nova Scotia defines your character, and demonstrates it to be that of a statesman, a true patriot, and an honest man. You will also convey our best respects to Mrs. Howe and family, and we wish you every joy on joining them.

Long may you stand forward to diffuse the blessings of liberty and pure knowledge, and become more deeply rooted in the affections of the people of Nova Scotia.

On reaching Halifax, Mr. Howe was enthusiastically welcomed. Mr. Fulton and himself were taken to the Parliament House in an open barouche, preceded by flags and banners, and followed by thousands of citizens. A torchlight procession enlivened the night, and Mr. Howe was compelled, before going to bed, to address some thousands of people in front of his residence.

Colonel Bazelgette, who assumed the temporary administration of the government, closed the session on the 8th of April.

Mr. Howe has been blamed for not immediately proceeding to England, to join Messrs. Hinckes and Chandler. Those who blame him should remember, that he had for fifteen months before borne the whole burden of a great enterprise, involving delicate and important negotiations; that his policy had been deranged; that he did not approve of the route by the River St. John, though he had yielded, from necessity, to its adoption; that he shrewdly suspected - what afterwards proved to be the case that a powerful combination of great contractors, having large influence in the government and Parliament of England, were determined to seize upon the North American railroads, and promote their own interests at our expense.