much to ask, of those who desire to avert any such change of position, that analagous privileges, suited to our circumstances and claims, should be conferred? Is it not better that the mother country should magnanimously take the initiative in this matter, before clamor and discontent prevail; before factious spirits seize upon a theme admirably adapted for popular declamation? My object, my Lord, is not to sound a keynote of unnecessary alarm, but to anticipate the dissonance that may possibly arise. I wish to put an end, at once and forever, to the fears of the timid within our own borders, and to the hopes of adversaries beyond them. I desire to come promptly to a state of things which all parties may acknowledge as mutually satisfactory, and recognize as permanent. I am weary of hearing English politicians speculating on the probabilities of separation; of seeing American sympathy excited by the vain hope of Colonial disaffection. I would that foreigners should see and feel, that British Americans have nothing to complain of, and nothing to desire; that they have attained a position, by peaceful loyalty and moral suasion, which their neighbors only won, by a disruption of old ties, and by the painful sacrifices of a bloody revolution. But, it may be said, if you desire representation in the Imperial Parliament, you must be prepared to part with your local Legislatures, and to submit to equality of taxation. Nothing would be fairer, if equality of representation was the thing sought; but this, for obvious reasons, would be an impolitic demand; and any scheme to carry it out, would be found, on due reflection, to be impracticable. To place in the House of Commons, representatives from all the Colonies, in proportion to their population, territory and varied interests, would be to swell the numbers, to a mob; to throw upon that body all the business now dispatched by the Colonial Assemblies, would clog the wheels of legislation; even though Parliament sat throughout the year. Representation in this sense, and to this extent, then, is not what I desire; but a moderate degree of moral and intellectual communication between North America and the Imperial Parliament; which, while it left all our existing machinery in full operation, would render that machinery more perfect; and, without investing us with any share of political influence that could by possibility excite jealousy at home, would yet secure to us, at least, the means of explanation, remonstrance, and discussion. Suppose that the five North American Colonies were permitted to elect, in the following proportions, either through the Legislatures, or by the body of the constituency, men of talent, enjoying public confidence :

and that the members, so elected, were permitted to sit and vote in the House of Commons; a number so small would neither be inconvenient, nor apt to excite jealousy; and yet, they would give to North America a voice in the National Councils; an influence proportioned to the ability, information, and powers of debate, she furnished. It would give her more; it would give her a noble field for the display of her cultivated intellects, and open, for the choicest of her sons, a path to the higher distinctions and honors of the Empire. It would give to her less brilliant, but enterprizing youth, seeking their fortunes in the military, naval, and civil services of the State, not patrons - for the influence of these representatives would be trifling — but earnest and judicious friends, on the spot where their claims were to be stated, and their interests advanced. Now, my Lord, would not such a concession as this, gracefully bestowed, almost before it was asked for, strengthen the Empire? Would it not put republicans and sympathizers hors de combat, without a bayonet or a barrel of powder? It would be worth half a dozen citadels; and, on the day that those ten members took their seats in the House of Commons, you might withdraw thousands of men, who are kept here at an enormous expense, to defend a country, the population of which, too happy for discontent, would guard with spirit the privileges thus peacefully secured.

But, my Lord, I do not put this moderate demand on the footing of a favor; to my mind, it bears the semblance of simple justice. In every session of Parliament, measures are discussed in which the Colonists are deeply concerned. Many times, within the last twenty years, the Colonial trade has been deranged; Colonial interests sacrificed, and our views have been strangely misinterpreted and misunderstood. If the general welfare were promoted, our sectional interests, of course, should not have stood in the way; but, even in those cases where you are right and we are wrong, we would yet have the security of consultation, discussion, remonstrance. We would say, with becoming fortitude, "Strike, but hear us."

Take the recent case of the repeal of the Corn Laws. Of that measure I highly approve. As a youth, just entering into public life, I denounced the Corn Laws; and when they were doomed, I smiled at

the fears expressed in Canada and elsewhere, and rejoiced with all my heart. But, my Lord, even a good measure hardly reconciles us to the fact, that the commercial relations and settled business of two millions of people should be dealt with, even in a wise and philosophic spirit, without their exercising upon the discussion, or the result, the slightest influence. Take another case. The North American Provinces might have been plunged into a war, arising out of the annexation of Texas, or the settlement of the Oregon question; without, perhaps, having the slightest interest, or desire to participate, in either quarrel. Happily, such calamities were averted by the dignified firmness and moderation of the Imperial authorities; but similar controversies with foreign powers are continually arising, and may not always be so satisfactorily adjusted. The Colonial Legislatures do not pretend to meddle with any of these lisputes. But is it reasonable to ask millions of Britons to take up arms; to suspend their commerce; to beat their ploughshares into swords, in a quarrel, upon the growth and deadly termination of which they have never been consulted; and which they have had no power to influence o. avert? The presence of such a body of men, as I propose, in Parliament, would remove this ground of complaint; if they were outvoted, we should at least have the satisfaction to reflect that they had been heard. In some cases, their reasoning would probably prevail, to the modification of a bad measure or the improvement of a good one; in others, they would be convinced, and would take pains to satisfy their constituents of the wisdom and sound policy of the course pursued. They would perform the double duty of mingling Colonial sentiment and opinion with the current of debate and of reconciling the Colonists to the decisions of Parliament. This they would do, if only permitted to speak and vote upon Colonial, or rather on Imperial questions; but if allowed a larger latitude, even in the discussion of purely British topics, they might at times exercise a salutary and temperate influence. If men of sound judgment, conciliatory manners, and cultivated taste, they would the very fact of isolation, and impotence as a party; from their being strangers from a far country, with no interest in the matter; trained in a different school, and accustomed to examine similar questions with other lights, and from different points of view - sometimes be heard amidst the din of party conflict. They might, when the storm was highest, pour oil upon the troubled waters; and win respect for their intentions, when they failed to convince by their eloquence.

from

If these men, fairly tried on the great arena, were found to possess talents for debate, ready pens, and habits of business, where could better material be sought to recruit and strengthen the Colonial Office?

Their local information and knowledge of detail could not well be surpassed; their sympathy with the population of the countries to be dealt with would not be suspected; and the double responsibility felt, to Parliament on the one side, and on the other to the people among whom they would probably return to pass the evening of their days, would ensure the most vigilant and enlightened discharge of their public duties. And, my Lord, would it be nothing to have these men returning, every few years, from such scenes and employments, to mingle with and give a tone to the society of North America? How invaluable would be their experience, how enlarged their views, how familiar their acquaintance with the rules of Parliament and the usages of the Constitution; but, above all, how sound their faith in the magnanimity and honorable intentions of our brethren across the sea. These veterans would become guides to the Provincial Legislatures when questions of difficulty arose; and would embellish social life by the refinement of their manners, and the fruits of their large experience.

But they would not all return. Some, it is to be hoped, richly endowed by nature and improved by study, might win the favor of their Sovereign and the confidence of Parliament, and rise to the higher posts and employments of the State. If they did not, it would be because they were unworthy, and their countrymen could not complain; if they did, the free participation of North Americans in the honors and rewards of the Empire would be proved and illustrated; and a field would be opened to our youth, which would enable them to view with indifference the prizes for which their republican neighbors so ardently contend.

Mark, my Lord, the effects which this system would have upon our Legislatures and upon our people. Is there a young man in North America, preparing for public life, who would be contented with the amount of study and the limited range of information now more than sufficient to enable him to make a figure in his native Province ? Not one. They would ever have before them the higher positions to be achieved, and the nobler fields of competition on which they might be called to act. They would feel the influence of a more lively emulation, and subject themselves to a training more severe. Our educational institutions would improve; a higher standard of intellectual excellence would be created; and not only in society would the influence be felt, but in the courts, the press, and in the Provincial Parliaments, there would reign a purer taste, and a more elevated style of discussion.

These are a few of the advantages, my Lord, which I believe would flow from this concession. The views I entertain might be variously illustrated, and explained with more accuracy of detail; but I feel that

your time is precious, and that if once interested, your own vigorous understanding and acute perception will enable you to master the subject. There are other topics which, at fitting occasions, I may take the liberty to press upon Your Lordship's notice; but in the meantime beg you to believe that, however crude my views may appear, or homely the style in which they are expressed, I have but two motives: a sincere desire to see Your Lordship a successful minister, and North America indissolubly incorporated with the British Empire.

My father left the old Colonies at the Revolution, that he might live and die under the British flag. I wish to live and die under it too; but I desire to see its ample folds waving above a race worthy of the old banner, and of the spirit which has ever upheld it. I know North America well; and I am assured that, while a feeling of confiding loyalty is very general, there is as universal a determination to rest satisfied with no inferiority of social or political condition. We must be Britons in every inspiring sense of the word: hence my anxiety to anticipate every generous aspiration, and to prepare the way for that full fruition of Imperial privileges, which I trust will leave to my countrymen nothing to complain of and nothing to desire. Should Your Lordship, to whom, as a Colonist, I feel we are largely indebted, adopt my views, I shall be amply repaid: should you reprove my boldness, or question my sagacity, it will not lessen the sincerity with which I subscribe myself,

With much respect, Your Lordship's

Obedient, and very humble servant,

October, 1846.

JOSEPH HOWE.

TO THE FREEHOLDERS OF NOVA SCOTIA:

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN,- After nineteen years of public service, ten of them passed in the Legislature, I have but one more task to perform; and I crave your patience, while I acquit myself of it, with the frankness, and I trust the modesty, which become an individual, addressing, perhaps for the last time, the population of an entire Province.

In a few months, it may be in a few weeks, the existing House of Assembly must be dissolved, under the law, and you will be called upon to select Representatives, to whom, for a period of four years, the interests of Nova Scotia, so far as they depend on legislative action or executive