but all for a central authority similar to the French Assembly-not very numerous, but intelligent and persevering; and, lastly, the Federalists, who were both numerous and wellled, Already, as far as can be gathered, there have been distinct changes in the attitudes of these parties, and many of the Federal Republicans have been converted to unity by the fervency and madness of the Šeparatists amongst these converts is ratists-amongst the present dictator, Castelar; while the monarchical parties slip more and more into the background. And the drift of Spanish politics is clearly set in the direction of unity by the very complications which the Government has had to face. There will be ups and downs, reactions, and temporary triumphs of various sections, still, doubtless, and parties will shift and take new shapes; but nevertheless, we believe that the unity of the republic and its permanence are being very much helped by present events in spite of the superficial confusion. Too much should not be made of the apparent feebleness of the administration. That feebleness must be due largely to an empty treasury, and it is not so great nor yet so hurtful to the State as the inaction of the Christinos in 1837 and 1838. Both the Carlists and the Separatists are evidently enough nearly played out the one have never passed the mountains, the other are nowhere save at the arsenal of Carthagena. The chief difficulty of Spain is this financial one, which has haunted it for a hundred years and more; but it, also, is greatly exaggerated. The country is developing fast, the population and trade are growing, and its resources are great. Were once the people educated enough to maintain order and good government, all her liabilities may be met with ease. Heavy as they are, they are less in proportion than those of France, and the Spaniards of the north and east are a thrifty people.

Those of Estremadura and Andalusia might soon be so too were they once recovered from the horrible tyranny that made their fields sheep runs, and gave them over as worse than slaves to the Castilian nobles and the priests. But it will be a slow task and an uphill one, so much so that there will for a long time be a strong temptation for the provinces to get rid of the debt by repudiation through federation or by direct decree, and we cannot be confident that the country has yet by any means seen the end of the many crises due to this cause alone. The forces on the whole bear towards unity and development, but there are also powerful influences at work to retard and split asunder, and by far the greatest of these is the debt of Spain. It has done but one good, that debtit has made tyranny impossible for Ferdinand and all who have suc ceeded him-queen, favourite, or soldier; and amid the impotence of rulers the country has been free to grow. But there is much left to do, and over half Spain Mañana is still the watchword of the people. day we shall sleep and hold festival, and to-morrow it shall be done. It is always to-morrow, and many revolutions may be needed to overcome that inertia; but, as Mr. Inglis said in 1830, 'a series of attempts to establish Liberal institutions in Spain may be necessary before it be found possible to sustain them, but I believe that every new attempt will be attended with fewer obstacles.' Events have on the whole justified that statement. The very inertia of much of the Spanish population acts as a preventive against anarchy, and forms something on which a ruler can depend. All Catalonia might rise and declare itself independent, Carlos might become a kinglet of Biscay and Navarre with big pretensions, and Castile wrap itself in pride, and poverty, and exclusion; but none

To

of these things are likely to happen just because nobody will exert himself enough to carry matters to the uttermost, and while they squabble and gasconade there is slowly growing the peasant farmer, the well-todo burgher and petty landed proprietor, who will back any government which will leave them free of the priest and confiscation of their property. A well-to-do agricultural class is always the best mainstay of a country, and Spain is rapidly getting such. The lands vacated by the priests and monks are being taken up by the people. They quarrel with their rulers, in fact, because they will not give it them more rapidly; and one of the causes of the Red Republicanism of the south is the refusal of the Government to hand over the large estates of the landed proprietors, free or subject only to a small land tax, to the peasantry. The owners of land have more than quadrupled since Ferdinand took the throne; and allowing for the subdivisions going on in Gallicia and elsewhere, this means a great increase in the staidest and most law-abiding portion of the population. These men, seeing what havoc would-be kings and Communists work on their fields, are sure to grow steady friends of the Republic and of national unity, without which they would have little peace and be subject to vexatious customs dues ruinous to trade. The Republic, therefore, has the best chance, in fact the only chance, in Spain just now, and the countenance of every well-wisher of Spain ought to be heartily given to Castelar in his present effort to set it firmly on its feet. Certainly Eng land ought not to permit within her borders a body of men calling itself a Carlist committee, whose business it is to help to carry on an insurrection in a country with which we are at peace. If Spain were a strong country and likely to retaliate, they would have been stop

ped before now. We have done her from first to last enough injury, and might, now that she is slowly working free of the effects of our interferences, at least leave her alone. What Spain wants just now is not material help nor yet material hindrance, but cordial sympathy officially and freely given, and our Government has erred in withholding the expression of that sympathy so long. Republican unity is now the one sheet anchor of Spain; if that let go its hold, we may see there scenes before which the Reign of Terror will seem but mere comedy. More than even France the Spaniards are left without a faith; and if the proclamation by the Red Republicans of Madrid of a 'war against property, against society, against religion and against God,' was merely a wild outburst of windy rant, it might also be the signal of such a deluge of anarchy and ruin as the world has hardly

ever seen.

men

Such are some of the problems and possibilities of Spain. It has wandered through many devious ways since English bayonets brought Ferdinand back in all the majesty of his Divine right. It has tried many nostrums, and more have sought to govern it than have ruled as ministers in England since the time of the Tudors. It is now trying Republicanism; and whether that Republicanism shall be immediately or more remotely a success, depends at present upon the conduct of one man. That he has not done more brilliantly since he came into power is not a thing we are disposed to quarrel with him for, and we have no sympathy with those people who cry out that he ought before now to have blown up Carthagena, and chased the Carlists over the border. A stern victory of that kind might not in itself be the best thing for Spain just now. A beaten Carthagena might lead to revolts harder to

quell elsewhere; and the other Separatist cities are none the worse for seeing pretty fully what their doctrines lead to. There may be less glory, but there will be less ill-blood also if the revolutionary forces are allowed to burn themselves out. So with the Carlists; dissension will very soon put their game out of joint. Signs of such an end are not wanting already, and this winter will probably tire the truculent robbers of their gasconading chief. They are hemmed into the hills, and may be kept there, and left to the natural flow of events. For it must not be forgotten that the task of Castelar is rendered enormously heavy where fighting is involved from sheer want of means; and that, even should he now be able to collect taxes from the pacified provinces, it will take a long time to bring things round. In such circumstances it is not a blameworthy thing to act slowly and with caution. Perhaps his own far-sounding eloquence led people to fancy great things were coming; but we can hardly blame him if in the matter of fighting he has not done what he dreamed. No man of more

single-minded patriotism ever had the destinies of Spain in his keeping; and it says something for the moral sense of the country that people of all classes have been able to recognise it-that monarchist and demagogue have agreed to support him in his effort to bring unity, order, and peace back to Spain. If Castelar slip away into silly braggadocio, and take to military swaggering and personal ends, his rule will do infinite harm; but we do not think he will, and we accept his apparent supineness as a good omen that, with all his imperfections, Spain has found in him & leader of the true kind, and that he may do more for his country than a far greater genius might do. Still the situation is a very grave one; the future of the country hangs on a thread, and if that thread be broken, Spain may fall back into chaos again. All we can do as a people, or ought to do, is to give our cordial sympathy to those who are on the side of justice, order, and unity, whatever name they; bear and for the rest, to leave Spain to her inevitable conflict, hoping the best.

A. J. W.

T

HE scene of our story is Bijlipoor, a fine dusty district in India, containing some three thousand square miles of country teeming with people, and fortunately as fertile in food products as in men to eat them. This important place is governed by a gentleman whom we shall name Collins, a member of her Majesty's Indian Civil Service. Mr. Collins is termed in official circles the Magistrate and Collector of Bijlipoor. He is assisted by a junior magistrate named Bludyer, who is termed the Joint Magistrate; and Mr. C. has also one or two young civilians, termed Assistant Magistrates and Collectors, besides several native magistrates and deputy collectors.

The district is one of a group of four or five, which group is called a division, and is presided over by a commissioner named Mr. Romaine, who resides about a hundred miles away, and rarely appears in other districts than that in which he has his head quarters.

With this brief preface we shall now introduce the reader into the library of Mr. Collins, a large square room with high white walls, hung round with maps. Mr. Collins is seated at a large office table in the centre of the room writing busily. Papers innumerable, loose or in red-taped bundles, surround him, and a huge punkah swings monotonously to and fro, and flutters the loose papers in an annoying way, despite the numerous paper weights which do duty over them.

A visitor is announced-' Deputy Gopal Ghose.' He is Mr. Collins' chief native subordinate, his Deputy Magistrate and Deputy Collector. Born in Bengal, and trained in one of the Government colleges, he has risen to a high position already though under five and thirty years of age. He speaks English fluently,

VOL. VIII.-NO. XLVIII. NEW SERIES.

but in a style peculiar to his countrymen. Intellectually, education has done much for him. He is naturally astute and quick-witted. He has distinguished himself for untiring industry, and he is consequently a most useful official. But he is never happy unless he is plotting. He is not deficient in boldness of an underhand sort, is perfectly unscrupulous; and as soon as his plans on one object are successful, he commences to scale new heights. His existence is one long series of intrigues, for the benefit of himself and friends, and for the injury of his enemies.

Announced by the orderly, as above stated, this personage now advances a step or two into the room, folds his hands meekly in front of him, and with a low salaam greets his superior.

Collector. Good day, deputy. Sit down.

Gopal Ghose (salaaming and sitting down). Your honour's health?

Č. Is good. Well, deputy sahib, how go affairs in your jurisdiction?

G. G. Sir, your all-searching eye sees each officer. You can tell, sir, if the office hands do their duty. Never have I seen such a discriminating Hakim as your honour. Sir, my file of cases is very clear. Compare it with the file of any other court. My jurisdiction is in good order, sir.

C. (a little hastily). Yes, yes, deputy, I know all about the files. I meant your country itself. You have just returned from your tour in camp. Have you any sugges tions to make? Have the village records been well kept up, and how many of them did you yourself inspect? And what is your opinion of your new Tahsildar? These are the points I referred to.

G. G. Sir, I am always committing errors; but you are my

3 G

quell elsewhere; and the other Separatist cities are none the worse for seeing pretty fully what their doctrines lead to. There may be less glory, but there will be less ill-blood also if the revolutionary forces are allowed to burn themselves out. So with the Carlists; dissension will very soon put their game out of joint. Signs of such an end are not wanting already, and this winter will probably tire the truculent robbers of their gasconading chief. They are hemmed into the hills, and may be kept there, and left to the natural flow of events. For it must not be forgotten that the task of Castelar is rendered enormously heavy where fighting is involved from sheer want of means; and that, even should he now be able to collect taxes from the pacified provinces, it will take a long time to bring things round. In such circumstances it is not a blameworthy thing to act slowly and with caution. Perhaps his own far-sounding eloquence led people to fancy great things were coming; but we can hardly blame him if in the matter of fighting he has not done what he dreamed. No man of more

single-minded patriotism ever had the destinies of Spain in his keeping; and it says something for the moral sense of the country that people of all classes have been able to recognise it-that monarchist and demagogue have agreed to support him in his effort to bring unity, order, and peace back to Spain. If Castelar slip away into silly braggadocio, and take to military swaggering and personal ends, his rule will do infinite harm; but we do not think he will, and we accept his apparent supineness as a good omen that, with all his imperfections, Spain has found in him & leader of the true kind, and that he may do more for his country than a far greater genius might do. Still the situation is a very grave one; the future of the country hangs on a thread, and if that thread be broken, Spain may fall back into chaos again. All we can do as a people, or ought to do, is to give our cordial sympathy to those who are on the side of justice, order, and unity, whatever name they; bear and for the rest, to leave Spain to her inevitable conflict, hoping the best.

A. J. W.