If such an expedient were not likely to answer, even that end, it illustrates the subject so much the more. For we may naturally expect to find, in the hearts of children, a deep resentment of the wrong done to their parents, and even to their remoter ancestors: nor is it any uncommon case at all, for an aversion or attachment to particular notions and forms, to prove hereditary; especially when young persons, so exceedingly jealous of their liberty, as at their age they are, apprehend a religion to be forced upon them, contrary to that which their ancestors bravely defended, at the expence of their estates and their lives; or which they unwillingly seemed to renounce, for the preservation of them. It is exceeding probable, that the penal laws, by which idolatry was imposed on the Jews, in some years of the Babylonish captivity, might contribute greatly to give them that aversion to it, which has been transmitted through so many following ages. And the contempt, which both the Spaniards and Portuguese put on those whom they call new christians, that is, whose ancestors, most of them above two hundred years ago*, were obliged, by violence, to profess christianity, seems plainly to intimate, that they secretly suspect them to be Jews or Mahometans in their hearts, as many of themselves declare themselves to be, when they escape into a land of liberty + Yet, perhaps, many of more pious dispositions, and more tender tempers than those of whom I have been now speaking, may be ready to plead, that unlimited toleration will leave room for writing and publishing the most pernicious books; whereby the principles of young and unexperienced minds may easily be corrupted, and heresy and profaneness introduced into the rising generation; and, with it that licentiousness of practice, which generally attends such an apostacy from the truth. I acknowledge, that the plea seems to have a considerable *The Moriscos were expelled Spain, A. D. 1792, and the inquisition erected about four years after. + It is very remarkable to this purpose, that Orobio the jew, in his conference with Limborch, freely acknowledges, That, in Spain and Portugal, all the monasteries and nunneries are full of jews: that many canons, inquisitors, and bishops, being descended from jewish parents, are still jews in their hearts; though, for temporal advantages, they profess to be christians. Some of these, he says, repent, and, if they can, escape into other countries; of which he himself was one who confesses, he had often complied with the idolatries of the place.-Ego qui toties miser genua Baali flexi, peccatum meum ego recordor, &c. Jud. Script. Test. No. 4. p. 102. And Limborch afterwards declares, that Orobio had himself owned, that the jews in Spain are taught by their parents, that, in order to escape the inquisition, it is lawful to profess christianity, while they deny it in their hearts; and to confirm that profession by swearing on the cross, and by eating swine's flesh, &c. Limb. Resp. ad Scrip. III. Cap. V. p. 178. weight; but I desire it may be seriously examined, whether the mischief of such a restraint be not yet greater than the advantages of it? Might not the most excellent and useful writings of the best men be suppressed on this principle? Nay, is it not on this principle, that the bible itself is prohibited in popish countries? Some inconveniences arise from every imaginable constitution. it is the part of wisdom to choose that which is attended by the fewest and the least, and to apply the most proper remedies to them. If toleration be abused, as the means of sowing tares amongst the wheat, let it teach all, and especially those who have the care of young persons, to be so much the more watchful over their charge, to keep them out of the way of infection, or to furnish them with proper antidotes against it. But let not those, who would approve themselves the patrons of truth, act as if they thought religion such a scandalous cause, that it must suffer by the freedom of inquiry, and could only be safe under the covert of darkness. On the whole, let the friends of the truth fairly propose its evidences, and shew its influence too, by the candor of their temper, and the benevolence and usefulness of their lives; and if its enemies raise objections, as against what cause may not objections be raised? Let us give them a fair consideration, and endeavour to expose the sophistry and weakness of them, in a plain, rational and convincing manner, in the spirit of meekness and serenity. We may then hope, through the concurrent influences of divine grace, that the souls of men will be established, even by the attempts made to pervert them; and that, in another sense than the apostle originally intended the phrase, The trial of that faith, which is far more precious than the purest gold, (which, in succeeding ages, perishes and wears out, though it have been tried in the fire) will be found to praise and glory And if, which may very probably be the case, some who will eagerly listen to every objection against the truth, will not have the patience to hear or examine its defence, we must leave them to the final judgment of Him, who searches the hearts, and tries the reins of the children of men †. With so dishonest a temper, a name, or a form, whatever it had been, could have done them but very little good. It is impossible for us to save men against their own wills: and I cannot see, that it will be any part of christian charity, to put out their eyes, or tie up their hands, lest they should use them to the injury of themselves or others. If any should pretend, that we are to punish heretics, and * 1 Pet. i. 7. +Jer. xi. 20. Rev. i. 23. infidels, that we may not make ourselves partakers of other men's sins, and draw down the judgments of God on the nation in which we live: I answer, that this argument so evidently takes it for granted, that persecution is for the glory of God, and will be a proper expedient for promoting the true religion, that what I have said, under the former heads, is an abundant answer to it. I shall not therefore enlarge on this as a distinct topic, but proceed to another of much greater importance. 3. The most plausible argument, in favour of the doctrine we oppose, is taken from the penal laws, which made a part of the Jewish constitution. It is urged here, that God did, in the strongest terms, expressly appoint, that all who taught or practised idolatry amongst the Jews, should be punished with death*; and that many severe executions were accordingly done on this statute: not only by the prophet Elijaht, an extraordinary divine messenger, but likewise by Jehu ‡, and Josiah §, and other princes amongst them ||; who, far from being censured, were applauded and rewarded on this account. If we answer here, as we most easily and naturally do, that the merciful genius of the christian dispensation is so different from the rigour and severity of the Mosaic law, that no argument can be drawn from the one to the other; it is pleaded, that this will at least serve to overthrow the greater part of our discourse, which was intended to prove the natural absurdity and immorality of persecution; unless we will allow, what surely no christian can, that a natural immorality was made an essential part of a divine institution. It will be proper, therefore, to examine this matter a little more largely which I shall the rather do, because I think it has seldom been handled with the accuracy which it requires. Now, I apprehend, the solution of this difficulty will depend on considering, on the one hand, the limitations attending these penal laws; and, on the other, the peculiar circumstances of the Jews, to whom they were given. 1. Let us consider the limitations which attended these penal laws. They affected only the inhabitants of the land of Canaan; and animadverted only on some overt act, whereby they publicly declared a revolt from God to idols. There was no commission given to the Jews, to arm themselves for the propagation of their faith amongst their heathen *Deut. xiii. 6, 18. +1 Kings xviii. 40. +2 Kings x. 25. neighbours; nor was there any express law, to pursue any Israelite with the sword, who settling among idolaters in foreign countries, should conform to the religion of them. Though, for reasons afterwards to be mentioned, his part in the land of Israel would undoubtedly have been forfeited. And, it is farther to be remembered, that even with regard to the inhabitants themselves, the law only took cognizance of some overt act of revolt. Had God given a large confession of faith to the Jews, to every article of which he had required them, on some high penalties, to subscribe their assent, a much stronger objection against what I have advanced would have arisen from such a constitution. But this was so far from being the case, that the Sadducees, erroneous as they were in some of the most important articles of natural as well as revealed religion, were not only tolerated, but, without any direct violation of the Mosaic law, were frequently promoted to offices of high dignity and authority. Now there is a most evident difference between a law thus limited, and an universal allowance of religious severities, to Jews or others, in any such circumstance as they should think fit. And, were the particular reasons ever so unknown, the former might be allowed, as consistent with the divine perfections, without laying a foundation to infer that the latter might be so. As there was an apparent difference between God's requiring Abraham to sacrifice Isaac, and his publishing a general declaration, allowing any parents whatsoever to sacrifice their children, whenever they should suppose that the glory of God, and the interest of religion, would be advanced by it. Thus the limitation of these penal laws destroys the argument which might be drawn from them, in favour of persecution in - general. And, if it still appear a difficulty, that, even with these limitations, they should be enacted, I hope the point may be yet more fully cleared up, by considering, 2. The peculiar circumstances whereby the Jews were distinguished from all other people. Now here, the extraordinary discoveries which God made of himself amongst them, and the peculiar manner in which he stood related to them, as their king, concur, both to vindicate the equity of the laws in question, and to prove that no reasonable consequence can be drawn from thein, in favour of persecution, in any other nation upon earth. It is surely of some importance, to recollect the extraordinary discoveries which God had made of himself to them, though the whole stress of the point does not lie here. The miracles which he had wrought amongst them, in order to prove his Deity, and the vanity of idols, were of the most awakening and convincing nature; and these were not only delivered to them by credible report, as they are now delivered to us; but God was, from age to age, raising up prophets, with a power of renewing these wonders before their eyes. Nay, he had interwoven into their constitution, certain periodical, and most extensive and obvious miracles, not only in the extraordinary fruitfulness of every sixth year, when, after the ground had been exhausted in the five preceding years, the poorest harvest must naturally have been expected; but, also in the safety of their borders, though surrounded with enemies, when all the males were gone up to worship, even in the very heart of their country, as they were obliged to do three times in the year, between the beginning of March, and the end of September; which is the most proper time for armies to be abroad. Now, God, the searcher of all hearts, might know, that nothing but obstinate and incorrigible wickedness could make a man an idolater, in such circumstances as these. And consequently, he might righteously condemn him to death, and appoint his fellow-creatures to execute the sentence. But no argument can be drawn from thence for inflicting the like punishment on another person, who is not as expressly sentenced by the divine law, and whose opportunities of better knowledge are not, and cannot be entirely the same. But it is farther to be considered, as of the utmost weight in the present argument, that God also stood in a peculiar relation to the people of Israel, as he was their temporal king, as well as their God. Their government, as you well know, was different from that of all other nations: it was indeed a Theocracy, as Josephus very justly calls it; their whole system of civil laws being enacted by God, and their magistrates appointed by him. And when they came to have kings, as other nations had, yet even these kings were to be considered but as the viceroys of God: as appears by their being obliged to transcribe his law, when they begun their reign; to consult his oracle on all extraordinary exigences; and, from his interposing in various cases both in Judah and Israel, to transfer the crown from one person and family, to another. Now, in consequence of this peculiar system of government, God thought it proper, as it apparently was, to annex certain temporal privileges to their obedience to him; and they held their estates, and possessions in the fine country they inhabited, not by one absolute donation to them, and their heirs for ever; but through succeeding generations, as tenants to the |
