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Douglas' Defence of the Inaugural.
President for it. Beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force among the people anywhere. If it is the duty of the President to enforce the revenue laws, it is his duty to enforce the other laws. It cannot be justified that the revenue laws shall be enforced, and all other laws, which afford protection as a compensation for taxes, shall not be enforced. He thought there were two points in which they could find a solution of these doubts. The President says: "Where hostility to the United States in any interior locality shall be so great and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people for that object." The President draws a distinction between the exterior and interior. If he has power in one case, he has power in the other. If it is his duty, in one case, to enforce the laws, it is his duty in the other. There was no provision of law which authorizes a distinction in this respect between places in the interior and on the seaboard.
This brought him to the construction of another clause, the most important of all, and the key to the entire policy. But he was rejoiced when he read it. He invited attention to it, as showing conclusively that the President is pledged to a policy which looks to a peaceful solution of our difficulties, and against all others. He says: "The course here indicated will be followed, unless the current of events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper; and in every case or exigency my best discretion will be exercised, according to the circumstances usually existing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the National troubles, and the restoration of fraternal sympathies and affections." In other words, the President says, if the collection of the revenue will lead to a peaceful solution, then it will be collected. If the abandonment of that collection will have that effcct, then it will be abandoned. So of the forts and arsenals in the Seceding States. He will recapture or not recapture them, and will reenforce or not reenforce Forts Sumter and Pickens; pledged in either case to a peaceful policy, and acting
with this view. If this is not the true construction, why was there not inserted a pledge to use coercion, retake the forts, recapture the arsenals, collect the revenue, and enforce the laws, unless there was attached to each one a condition on which the pledge was to be carried out? The pledge is only to do what is requisite to a peaceful solution.
He submitted whether or not the friends of peace have not much to rejoice at. The Inaugural was much more conservative than he had anticipated. It was more pacific and concilitary than he had predicted. He repeated, after a careful examination and analysis, he was clearly of the opinion that the Administration stands pledged to a peaceful solution, and will do no act that will lead to war, and make no change of policy unless necessary to preserve peace. He thought the President had stated the cause of the troubles clearly, and indicated a remedy.
Mr. Douglas also referred quite at length to the other points of the Inaugural, taking the ground that the President's wishes were those of peace that his only aim was a peaceful solution of the National troubles.
Clingman's Rejoinder to Douglas.
Clingman replied. He said that, on the main points of the address, there was no doubt, for the President said: "I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be faithfully executed in all the States." Can anything be more explicit than that? How does the President execute the laws in Virginia and Pennsylvania ? Occupy the forts and arsenals, and collect the duties! This is what he says he will do in all the States. But the Senator from Illinois says, if the people will not give him the power, then he cannot do it. How stands the case? The President has control of fifteen thousand men. In the course of a few weeks one-half of them could be concentrated. Would he not feel bound to use the army and navy to retake Fort Moultrie? The language implies this. The President regards the taking of the forts and arsenals as insurrectionary and revolutionary; and, to make the matter more spe
CLING MAN'S REJOINDER TO DOUGLAS.
Clingman's Rejoinder to Douglas.
cific, he says: "The power | for increasing the apprehen-
Mr. Douglas interrupted to say that the President had not declared for that amendment. alone and against all others. In that case he would have proven that he was not willing to give security to the South.
Mr. Clingman, resuming, insisted that Mr. Lincoln had recognized one amendment and none other. He knew that the Crittenden amendment has attracted more attention than any other, and that some of the State Legislatures planted themselves on it as an ultimatum. When Mr. Lincoln recommends but one amendment and not others, that is significant. He has ignored every amendment likely to give peace; not only the Crittenden, but the Peace Conference propo
Clingman's Rejoinder confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the duties and imposts." It is true he says, "beyond what may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere." But, what does this mean? It means that the President will not use force on obedient men. He would not do this in the District of Columbia. But he means to compel everybody to obedience. The Senator from Illinois knows very well that the States which have seceded claim the right to occupy the forts, but the President says he will compel them to pay taxes, &c. If they submit, of course there will be no bloodshed. He (Clingman) might with as much propriety say to the Senator from Illinois, "I intend to take and occupy your house, but I will use no force or violence if you submit." Now, the Seceding States regard their right to the forts as dear to them as a man to his own house, and don't agree to be turned out. He would not, however, argue these points. Every Senator could consider them as well as he could. The Senator from Illinois says the President is willing to acquiesce in the amendments to the Constitution, and in the Crittenden prop-sition; the latter got up and paraded here osition. He wished to know how long it would take for them to amend the Constitution? He believed it took several years at the commencement of this century, and did any man suppose such amendments could be made during the term of this Administration? But, here was a pressing emergency. As to the proposed amendment recently passed by Congress, would it be satisfactory to the South? The Senator from Illinois made a strong statement just before the close of Congress, while referring to the Senator from New York (Mr. Seward) and the Republican party. He (Clingman) regarded it as forcible and true, for the Senator always spoke with great force and effect. That Senator, on the occasion referred to, said: "You offer to amend the Constitution by declaring that no amendment shall be made empowering Congress to interfere with Slavery in the States! If you had exhausted your ingenuity
with great pomp. None of these things is recommended by Mr. Lincoln. Therefore he (Clingman) said the Inaugural is liable to the construction Mr. Douglas placed on Mr. Seward's remarks. Suppose the Crittenden proposition had received more than nineteen votes. The Senator from Illinois knew it could not have received two-thirds of the Senate. The practical question is, Shall we have an effort to take the forts and a collision, and an attempt to collect the revenue, or not? It will not do to wait two or four years for a Convention to amend the Constitution. If the President uses the power in the way he mentions, we must have war. If he were a friend of the President, he would advise him to withdraw the troops from Forts Sumter and Pickens. The only effect of keeping them there is to irritate the Southern States. Will they allow this condition of things to continue until Congress can be called togeth
er? He thought not. The best policy was | experiment; and so as to
the troops from Fort Sumter, they will be removed for him. The abstract of his further remarkable remarks is:
to withdraw the troops, and leave the rest to recapturing Fort Moultrie. Wigfall Once More. negotiation, and amicable adjudication. If he should not remove On Thursday, Wigfall, Wigfall Once More. of Texas, once more addressed the Senate : As Mr. Douglas had given his views of the Inaugural, it was proper that he (Wigfall) should also make known his opinions. His State having seceded, it was natural to suppose that Wigfall would have considered his lease of the Senate floor as expired; but, the "gentleman from Texas" concluded to stay as long as he pleased—as much from contempt of the United States authorities, as from a desire to intrigue for his Southern cause. He spake with even more than his usual coarseness and insolence, saying:
Waiving all questions of regularity as to the existence of their Government, they are here to enter into a treaty with the Federal Government, and the matters in controversy must be settled either by treaty or by the sword. It is easy to talk about enforcing the laws, and holding and occupying and possessing forts. When you come to this, bayonets and not words must settle the question, and he would here say that Forts Pickens and Sumter cannot be held much longer. The present Administration will soon be forced to construe the Inaugural. Forts Moultrie and Johnson, and Castle Pinckney, are in the possession of the Confederate States, but the Confederate States will not leave Fort Sumter in the possession of the Federal Government. In reply to Mr. Douglas, he (Wigfall) denied that the Union, as it was formerly, now exists legally and constitutionally. The evil is upon us; The evil is upon us; the disease is seated. A blue pill at night and a cup of coffee next morning may relieve the liver, but when the disease is on you, blistering and blood-letting are sometimes necessary-and, when the patient dies, it is necessary to have a coffin very deep, a funeral service, and things of that sort. As he said As he said the other night, the only question is, whether there shall be a decent, quiet funeral, after the Protestant form, or an Irish wake. The Union is dead, and has to be buried. If you want a Protestant funeral, you can have it; if not, you can have an Irish wake.”
"The adoption of the Crittenden compromise proposition might have adjusted the difficulties of the country; but it only received nineteen votes in the Senate. The Senator from Illinois (Douglas) has said that war cannot preserve the Union.' The States have formed a Confederation, and to tell Union, however, is dissolved. Seven Southern them, as the President has done, that their acts of secession are no more than pieces of blank paper, is an insult. He repeated, there is no Union left. The Seceded States will never, surely, come back. They will not now come back, under any circumstances. They will not live under this Administration. Withdraw your troops, then; make no attempt to collect tribute, and enter into a treaty of peace with those States. Do this, and you will have peace. Send your flag of thirty-four stars thither, and it will be fired into, and war will ensue. Will you divide the public property and make a fair assessment of the public debt, or will you sit stupidly and idly, doing nothing until there shall be a conflict of arms, of arms, because you cannot compromise with traitors?? Let the remaining States reform their Government, and, if it is acceptable, the Southern Confederacy will enter into a treaty of peace and amity with them. If you want peace, you shall have it; if you want war, you shall have it. The time for platforms and demagoguism has past. Treat with the Confederate States as independent, and you can have peace. Treat them as States of this Union, and you will have war. you will have war. Mr. Lincoln has to remove the troops from Forts Pickens and Sumter, or they will be removed for him. He has to collect the revenue at Charleston, Savannah, and New Orleans, or it will be collected for him. If he attempts to collect the revenue, resistance will be made. It is useless to blind your eyes. No compromise or amendment to the Constitution, no arrangement you may enter into, will satisfy the South, unless you recognize slaves as property, and protect it as any other species of property. These States withdrew from the Union, because their property was not protected.
The Republicans have preserved an ominous silence
on the subject of the Inaugural. The speech of the Senator from Illinois (Douglas) was calculated to
He proceeded to refer to the proposed collection of the revenue, and advised the President that he had better deal with the ques-produce the impression that Mr. Lincoln will do tion practically, though, after all, it really mattered but little how he treated it. If he (Lincoln) supposes the reenforcement of Fort Sumter will lead to peace, he can make the
nothing. But the 'masterly-inactivity' policy cannot prevail. Action! Action! Action!' as the great Athenian orator said, is now necessary. You can' not longer serve God and Mammon. You must
RUMOR OF FORT SUMTER'S ABANDONMENT.
answer quickly the question. Under which king, Bezonian?' You must withdraw your flag from our country, and allow us to have ours, and enter into a treaty with us. Do this, or make up your minds for war in the sternest aspect, and with all its accumulated horrors."
gentlemen was prima facie evidence of its strength and fitness for the crisis. What abasement of self-respect, of political virtue, of loyalty, of truth to trust, did these daring disorganizers demand as the price merely of their friendship! It is one of the most sinA running debate followed between Doug-gular illustrations of a want of pride and selflas and Wigfall, which served to elicit only | respect on the part of the Senate majority, more of bravado from the Texan Senator. that these men were allowed to give utterMr. Mason, of Virginia, finally came to the ance to their speeches, rank with treason, relief of Wigfall, proclaiming his disunion and impudent in their personal license tosentiments in a clear and decided manner. wards the close of the session. Nothing so He regarded the Inaugural as a war message. vulgar, so coarse, so treasonable, so vindicHe declared that Virginia would join the tive as Wigfall's speech, quoted above, ever Southern Confederacy the moment it became before stirred the air of the Capitol. Liberty certain that the President was to attempt to is weak and usurpation is strong when such retake the seized forts, arsenals, &c. license is permitted on the floors of any legis
That the Inaugural did not satisfy these lative assembly.
FOR PLACE. FORT SUMTER TO BE ABANDONED. EF
FECT OF THE ANNOUNCEMENT.
THE CONFEDERATE COMMIS THEIR FIRST COMMUNICATION.
MR. SEWARD'S MEMORANDUM
BORDER STATES IN MARCH.
REPLY. ATTITUDE OF THE THE CONFEDERATE STATES RICHMOND IN MARCH. REIGN
tion and impending ruin--had no tongue, excited no terror, in that crowd of mercenary patriots, who were not all from Northern States. It was composed of almost every class of persons, from the man of big proportions seeking the fattest sinecure, to the lean
lage post-office. May the country ever be spared another such exhibition of political fortune-hunting !
THE first week of Mr. Lincoln's term was devoted to the organization of his Administration, the consideration of applications for place, &c. Little could be done for the country in the presence of the swarm of place-hunters who infested the Capital. Like | but "well-recommended" applicant for the vilthe seven years' locusts, they seemed to spring from the very soil—an eager, excited throng, all intent upon a prize. That mania for office stood out in such relief as to frighten and News from Washington, disgust those who considered the first duty March 10th, indicated the of the President as due to the Nation's con- probable "military necessiIt would appear as if Mr. Lincoln ty" of withdrawing Major Anderson from had been elected simply to give each of his Fort Sumter, and the total abandonment of partisans government employ. Sumter and the Charleston fortifications to the revolutionMajor Anderson's starving garrison-revolu- | ists. A dispatch said: "It is well known that
Rumor of Fort Sumter's Abandonment.
Fort Sumter's Aban
Major Anderson cannot now | word from the Capital, hoping that some way might be opened whereby the Nation would be spared the humiliation of seeing the brave garrison withdrawn from the harbor of Charleston. The hours were subtly but surely instilling into the bosoms of the people a fire which consumed old antipathies, and filled men's souls with the ardor of patriot
The Confederate Commissioners to Washington, Messrs. Crawford and Forsythe, were instructed by telegraphic dispatch from Montgomery, (March 11th,) to proceed with their negotiations at once. Touching their mission, the Mobile Advertiser (understood to be edited by one of the Commissioners) said, in its issue of March 3d:
be reenforced without imminent danger of a serious collision. Two steamers of light draft, with supplies of men and provisions, have been in readiness for some time to make the attempt whenever ordered, under the command of an officer who is willing to take the risk, and feels confident of success. But the military prepar-ism that, ere long, was to burst forth in ations in and outside of the harbor of Charleston render any such experiment hazardous, unless sustained by a heavy naval force, which could be used now, as the main ship channel is entirely clear of obstructions. The War Department has obtained a detailed statement of the stock of provisions in Fort Sumter, and it is abundant for a considerable time, except in bread, which is not sufficient for over thirty days. One of the first and most important questions, therefore, before the Administration will be, whether Major Anderson will be supplied or withdrawn. That decision cannot long be postponed, for, though he now receives meats and vegetables from the markets of Charleston, this permission may be cut off at any moment, by an order from Gov. Pickens or Gen. Beauregard, to whom Jefferson Davis has confided the direction of military operations there. The Cabinet had a special session of over three hours last night, in which the policy concerning Fort Sumter was fully discussed. An informal conference was also held this morning, at which several members were present. No decision has yet been reached, but the general opinion prevails to-night that the troops will be withdrawn."
"The Commissioners are not accredited to the Administration of Mr. Buchanan; nor, if they were, would it be possible for them to reach Washington in time to communicate with him prior to the 4th inst. They are therefore expected to treat with the new Administration under Lincoln, and the reason
able inference is, that until he shall refuse to communicate with them, or their mission should other
wise prove barren of good results, no attack will be made upon any fortress now held by the United States, or no act of war be undertaken, unless, indeed, which is highly improbable, the new Administration should be insane and wicked enough to disturb the existing status by hostile demonstrations against us."
The Commissioners' first Communication to Mr. Seward.
Acting under the orders of the dispatch above referred to, the two gentlemen named addressed their first communication to the Secretary of State, as follows:
"WASHINGTON CITY, March 12th, 1861. "Hon. Wм. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State of the United States:
It was announced positively, on Monday, March 11th, that Sumter was to be evacuated -that General Scott would assume the responsibility of the act, in view of the impossibility of reenforcing Anderson, except at "SIR-The undersigned have been duly accreditgreat loss of life. This announcement caused ed by the Government of the Confederate States of the utmost excitement throughout the entire America as Commissioners to the Government of country. In the North the feeling ran high the United States; and, in pursuance of their inagainst such a step-"resist to the last!"structions, have now the honor to acquaint you with that fact, and to make known, through you, to the was the paramount sentiment. It was indeed President of the United States, the objects of their a moment of excitement. No matter, up to presence in this Capital. that date, had so keenly enlisted public sympathy. Major Anderson became the hero of all notice. The heart of the still loyal portion of the country throbbed to every
"Seven States of the late Federal Union having, in the exercise of the inherent right of every free people to change or reform their political institu tions, and, through conventions of their people,