that Socialism could only come in Russia after, and in consequence of, a great industrial development. It required, according to the Marxian system, a highly developed industrialism, the concentration of capital in few hands, the existence of a great industrial proletariat comprising the majority of the people.

These conditions, he then believed, would be realized with relative rapidity. In the meantime, the great task was to organize the workers, endow them with class-consciousness, and, in particular, educate them in economics and politics. For six years he managed to keep out of trouble, but in January, 1897, he was arrested and exiled to Eastern Siberia. There he resided for some time, sending forth a stream of articles and pamphlets, which were published and distributed by the Socialists through their secret agencies. These writings bore as signatures various fictitious names, the most familiar of which, "Lenin," acquired great repute in Russian revolutionary circles. Its assumption of Lenin as the name by which he chooses to be known is perhaps an evidence of pride in his reputation as an author of revolutionary pamphlets.

At the conclusion of the sentence of exile, Lenin was forbidden to reside in any of the large cities, factory towns, or cities in which there were universities. The Czar's secret police, the Okhrana, would

seem to have studied his theoretical writings with some care. They knew that he had no hope of anything like Socialism coming from the peasant masses, that he was disposed to regard the peasants with contempt, and that he rested his hope upon, and made his appeal to, the industrial proletariat and the radical intelligentsia. To isolate him from contact with these elements, and to keep him in small villages where he could be readily watched, was the reason for the restriction thus placed upon him after his return from Siberia. Lenin slipped away to Munich, where he lived awhile. Disturbed by the "long arm" of the Okhrana, which could reach over the frontiers into most European countries, he moved to Brussels, where he resided awhile, then to Paris, later to London, and finally to Geneva, where he remained some years, until his return to Russia by means of the German military assistance already described.

In 1898 the Russian Social Democratic Party was formed upon the broad basis of Marxian theory and the tactics derived therefrom. Of course, Lenin was an active and influential member. Associated with him were such men as Plechanov, Avelrod and Martov, most eminent of all Russian followers of Marx, all of whom, we must note in passing, opposed Lenin's later Bolshevist theories in general, and, most bitterly, his policy in the Revolution from 1917 onward. At no

stage of the struggle against the regime he has set up in the name of Marx has he been more vigorously denounced and opposed than by these eminent Marxists who were his colleagues in former years. That, too. is a paradox of the Revolution.

The Social Democratic Party of Russia was, of course, an "illegal body." That is why its work had to be conducted from outside of Russia. Its leaders were exiles, living in Geneva, Zurich, Brussels, Paris, London, and elsewhere. Its official organs were published abroad, generally in London or Geneva, and as many copies smuggled into Russia as could be managed. The headquarters of the party was generally maintained in Switzerland, Lenin's wife, Nadezhda Krupskaya, acting as secretary. The correspondence of the party, particularly with those in Russia, was conducted in the most elaborate cipher systems, invisible ink being generally used.

From this brief statement it will be readily apparent why the congresses of the party were held outside of Russia. The second congress of the party, in 1903, held part of its sessions in Brussels and the rest in London. At that time, in the course of the London sessions, the word Bolshevist and its derivatives first came into being. Literally, "Bolshevist" means "the most," or "the majority." By derivation, therefore, "Bolshevism" is the "ism," the systematised princi

ples, of the majority, and "Bolsheviks," or better, the "Bolsheviki," are those who belong to the majority. The term was coined at the party congress and applied to the larger of the two factions that there developed. The other faction was called the "Menshevist" or minority-faction and its distinctive principles came to be spoken of as "Menshevism”— the "ism" of the minority.

Lenin was the acknowledged leader of the Bolshevist majority as it then was-and he displayed all those qualities and gifts which he has since used in the larger sphere of government and international politics. With him were associated some of the men who now hold prominent positions in the Soviet regime, but Trotzky was not one of these. Then, and for a long time thereafter, Trotzky stood outside of the controversies that raged between the two factions.

The party held another congress in 1904. At that time the revolutionary movement in Russia was in a great ferment. The Revolution of 1905 was already shaping itself, and an electric tensity prevailed. By this time Lenin and his friends had ceased to be the majority faction. They were now greatly outnumbered. Consciousness of the close approach of a great struggle in Russia had deepened the sense of responsibility and sobered many an extremist. A year of keen debate had more sharply defined opposing

principles and programs. The more moderate elements in the party had been rallied. For these and other reasons Lenin's faction was now the minority faction. It did not, however, come to be known by the name of "Mensheviki." Admittedly a minority faction, it continued to be called the "Bolshevist" faction and its principles to be called "Bolshevism.” The actual majority at the same time continued to be called the "Menshevist" faction and its principles to be called "Menshevism."

This absurd paradox, so characteristically Russian, will be readily understood if it is borne in mind that personalities counted for little in the controversy. It was a conflict over great and fundamental principles and ideas. In the year's debate there had developed quite a literature, and the names, which originally referred to the respective numerical positions of the factions, had become inseparable from certain bodies of theoretical and tactical principles. It is important for the reader to understand this, for it is the key to many puzzles. While Bolshevism etymologically refers to the credo of the majority, in reality it has nothing to do with the conception of a majority position, either in party or state. It refers solely to a certain body of revolutionary Socialist principles and doctrines.

*enin had already formulated this body of revolu