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where to have read that they had the cruelty to apply burning irons to the half expiring, that they might induce them to exert their small remains of power.

Sometimes the people pardoned such gladiators as had formerly excelled in agility, or courage. The raising of the hand, with the thumb lowered, was token that they should live. The hand shut, with the thumb raised, was the sign of death. It was usual for the people to ery, Recipe ferrum! Receive the sword!

As soon as a combatant was dead, slaveɛ, whose office it was, entered, drove a hook into his body, and dragged him away through the Porta Libitina, or gate of death, to bury him.

The gladiators were, some of them prisoners of war; some free persons, who had studied the art; and others foundlings, whose education destined them to this trade.

The instructor of these combatants was called Lanista. The school in which they were trained was a large building, in which those who were set apart to murder, or to be murdered, were exercised.

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They were not at liberty to go where they pleased, when not exercising; but were each shut up in a different cell, like dogs in their kennel. In the latter times of the republic, these gladiators were made subservient to the ambition of the powerful; and were let loose, among the people, like hounds among wild beasts.

When the people granted a gladiator his life, it was frequently only for the day: he must again attend the games on the morrow; and, perhaps, during their whole continuance, though they should be but just begun. Whoever had vanquished several opponents one after the other, received a sword of wood, rudis; which was encir cled with palm; and he was from that time released from the Arena of the gladiators. He then hung up his sword, his shield, and his helmet, in the temple of Hercules *

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Free gladiators, who hired themselves, were paid a great price; and the Rudiarii a much greater: for this was the epithet bestowed on those ho had received the wooden sword.

In the times of the Emperors, the Roman citizens, knights, and senators, degraded themselves with combating with hired gladiators and slaves. The Emperor Commodus presented himself as a gladiator, and received for each day out of the gladiator's treasury, ix TWY por movie xenmart, about fifty thousand rix dollars. He was remarkably powerful in combating with wild beasts.

* Horace has a beautiful allusion to this custom, when Mæcenas wishes again to induce him to write.

Prima dicte mihi, summa dicende Camana,

Spectatum satis, et donatum jam rude quæris,
Macenas, iterum antiquo me includere ludo.
Non eadem est atas, non mens. Vejanius, armis
Herculis ad postem fixis, latet abditus agro,
Ne populum extrema toties exoret arena.

+ Dion Cassius.'

Lib. i. ep. i. 1-6.

In the time of Domitian, female gladiators rose up; and the Romans were at last so addicted to this sanguinary spectacle, that, like their predecessors the people of Campania, they had them at their feasts.

• Certain combatants fought in chariots, and were called Essediari. Others fought on horseback, with deep helmets; so that they could not see each other; and thus ran the course, with their spears, blindfold.

When once a people are accustomed to the sight of blood, the lust of indulging such horrible spectacles increases to the most outrageous phrensy. Political considerations should have taught the free Romans that a savage nation is incapable of liberty. And how savage must that nation be, whose very matrons, and vestals, were accustomed to such spectacles!

The subjected Greeks were late in adopting these practices. When, in the time of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, it was proposed to the Athenians to introduce them, in imitation of the Corinthian gladiators, the philosopher Demonax exclaimed, with noble indignation, Oh, men of Athens, rise, before you indulge in battles like these, rise, and demolish the altars which your fathers have erected to Mercy!

Constantine, the first Christian Emperor, though not able entirely to suppress this horrid practice, forbad it; being excited so to do by Lactantius. Under the Emperor Honorius, when Prudentius, a Christian poet, had endeavoured to obtain the abolition of these spectacles, Telemachos, a hermit of the East, appeared in the amphitheatre. As soon as the combat had begun, he descended, with a dignified simplicity, inflamed by the spirit of benevolence and holy zeal, into the Arena, and endeavoured to prevent the combatants from murdering each other. The spectators, enraged, rose and stoned him. Perhaps there may be some who will feel inclined to ridicule the simplicity of this dignified man; though, had it been the act of a Heathen philosopher, they would have admired and cited it as exemplary. Telemachos however was the last sacrifice to this accursed custom. Honorius was moved, forbad the games of the gladiators, and from that period they were entirely abolished."

The 55th letter deserves the attention of those who are lovers of the arts: it serves to prove how ignorant, in general, is the enthusiasm with which antique statues have been contemplated. That which has been admired for ages as an Antinous is now evinced to be a Perseus: so imaginary are the voluptuous graces which traced its contour. Various other misnomers have also been detected. Ought not this to inspire a doubt of the inimitable excellence of those works of Greek or Roman art, for the age of most remaining masterpieces is very uncertain; and to favour the opinion that it was rather the great demand for statues, occasioned by the idolatry, the fashions, and the wealth of Rome, and of the Grecian seaports, than any thing peculiar to the personal beauty or the

IQ

loose

loose manners of the antients, that produced their skill in sculpture?

The following passage well describes the religious enthu siasm which image-worship is calculated to excite:

The Tarantines, as Christians, take no less delight in their holi days than did their ancestors, as Pagans. They will ride miles, from all parts, to be present at the festivals of other towns: for which rea son many persons had arrived from the neighbouring places, on the present occasion: the number of which visitors was estimated at ten thousand.

The magistracy of the town intended me the honour of making me bear a star, before the solemn procession of the Saint: from which project they were with difficulty diverted, by the Archbishop. His authority, and not my heresy, was my protection.

The lower orders are extremely credulous. The principal object of adoration among the men, and still more among many of the wo men, appears to be the silver image of the Saint. With no less zeal than that recorded by St. Paul, they seemed to emulate the Ephesians; while they exclaimed, "Great is Cataldo, the patron of Ta

ranto!"

The statue had been taken from its shrine, and placed in the middle of the church, the preceding day; on the 9th, in the afternoon. You can form no conception of the clamour of the people; or of the loud mixture of riotous mirth, and fleeting devotion. The women uttered their feelings with tears, howlings, and hideous grimaces. Men and women, all were desirous of touching the Saint: some with their lips, others with the hand, and the most devout with their gar. ments. One woman successfully opened herself a passage through the crowd, placed herself fervently before the image, gazed at it, and prayed to it, to excite its attention, as people are accustomed to do to those whom they would awaken from a reverie. Hist! Hist! San Cataldo! San Cataldo! A merchant conversed with me as zealously, concerning the uncovering of the image, as if he had spoken of the actual appearance of the Saint; although he knew he was talking to a heretic, for he had questioned me, the Sunday before, whether I would not go to mass? and I had told him I was not a Catholic. His terror deprived him of all reply. In his panic, not knowing how to 'conceal it, and forgetful of what he was doing, he suddenly attempted to kiss both my hands.'

A few slight errors of translation occur, as volume i. p. 407. Segestus and Hermanus;' for Segestes and Arminius, or Herman: but such slips are not frequent. In vol. ii. p. 131, on the plate, we have winter-huts,' for huts of the vintagers: here, however, (it is possible,) the engraver is in fault. In general, an uncommon attention to the arduous duties of a translator is observable. In the course of a preface, indeed, of some length, and marked by some peculiarities, Mr. Holcroft has informed the public that the labour and perseverance, which he found it necessary to exert in the fulfilment of his task, have

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been

been greater than it is his intention ever again to encounter, in a work where neither the thoughts, the manner, nor the materials, are his own.' He observes that

:

The Writer of the following Letters has in this work proved himself to be a man of taste, of learning, and of observation: a connoisseur, a critic, a poet, and, as such rare qualities imply, intimately acquainted with men and manners. But no man can be deeply skilled in and equally well informed upon all topics; and a traveller, if a man of observation, will be induced to record facts on subjects of which he is either wholly ignorant or in part. His range of remark may lead him through every science, every art, and every age. Of this class of travellers is Count Stolberg; and, in following his erratic and devious path, which he has sometimes rather traced with slight touches than marked with a deep and daring stroke, the Translator has not unfrequently found himself in a labyrinth from which to extricate himself, and never lose sight of his author, was a task of difficulty and address. Technical terms not known to the dictionaries, words coined with a kind of poetical licence by the Count, himself a poet and that way inclined, and scientific facts, of which sometimes the Author and sometimes the Translator had but an imperfect knowledge, aided to form this labyrinth, and increase these difficulties. Add the complex construction, indefinite grammar, licentious orthography, and perplexed idiom, of the German language; increased by that habit, to which all writers are addicted, of imagining that no man can be ignorant of subjects which are exceedingly familiar to themselves, and that therefore it is more masterly to hint at than to describe them; and the occasional dilemmas of the Translator may be in good part conceived. He is much more anxious to discover and to avow his own mistakes than to defend them; and rather willing to court criticism, for the instruction of others, than to shrink from it, that he may indulge the self-love of cowardice, deceit, and imbecility.'

But of what import is it, to the reader, though he may have turned over a thousand volumes a thousand times; to detect, to elucidate, or to escape error? And, if ten thousand of these errors have been thus escaped, should any remain, he is still accountable: he is still interrogated on his ignorance; and asked why he did not turn over more books, and take care to be better informed?"

Every translator, who undertakes a work of any magnitude and importance, should read this preface. It displays good sense and much candour; and it will point out to him the difficulties and duties of his office, preparing his mind to meet and overcome them, or inducing him ingenuously to relinquish a task which he is not able honestly to accomplish.

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Mr. Holcroft has farther added to his labour, and strengthened his claim to praise, by subjoining an index-the desideratum of the original-recording all the miscellaneous facts which these Travels produce, and pointing them out, individually and collectively, to the farmer, the philosopher, the antiquary, the artist, the connoisseur, and the botanist." D d

REV. AUG. 1797.

ART.

ART. III. The History of the Campaign of 1796, in Germany and Italy. 8vo. pp. 400. 6s. Boards. Cadell jun. and Davies, &c.

1797.

W E had occasion to notice a French account of the campaigns of Gen. Pichegru in 1794 and 1795, (Rev. N. S. vol. xxii. p. 287,) and we very much wish that a reply to that narrative, so libellous to English skill and valour, were drawn up by the temperate and well-informed author of the history now before us. He is not, indeed, very learned in the theory of tactics; nor does he, in our opinion, take sufficient pains to analyze the causes of victory in every individual instance; imposing on himself a reserve on this point: but he reports with great apparent fairness and fidelity, from authentic and original sources of information. He never imitates the gasconading reports heretofore made by Barrere, but describes events more in the natural style of Davila, and with a severe attention to reality. In the preface, he thus speaks of his design and his materials:

I have neglected no enquiries, nor pains, to give to this historical account exactness and perspicuity, the only merits of which a work of this sort will admit. It seems to me, that he who writes, not on Theories, but on Facts, is absolutely bound to be impartial, both with respect to things, and to persons, whatever may be his own interests and opinions.--I have endeavoured to prove myself such to my readers.

The materials from which I have composed this Work, have been partly collected from the accounts officially published at London, Vienna, and Paris; and partly procured through means of a correspondence which I have constantly kept up with some distinguished military characters on the Continent. Some of these have been and still are actually engaged in this war; and the others have watched its progress with the most attentive and intelligent observation. I have spared no pains to put together and to compare these various materials. This Work is, in fact, an abstract and a combination of all these accounts.-I have endeavoured to draw from the whole, a result if not absolutely correct, at least, as nearly so, as it was in my power to make it.

The knowledge which I myself have personally had of the greater part of the theatre of the war, of some of the armies which are engaged in it, and of several of the Generals who command them, joined to some degree of experience in the subject which I treat of, cannot have failed to be of considerable use to me.'

There is no fact less decided and settled between the partizans of the regal coalition and those of the republic, than the relative strength of the opposed armies. If we listen to the British officers who are returned from the continent, we should think that the French had never won a victory without a very great superiority in point of numbers. If we trust to the official vaunts of contractors, ministers, and commissaries,

the

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