and that, too, without any appa- | sion of that palladium upon freerent reason for it! We shall, pre-these measures were even required dom, the Habeas Corpus Act? If

sently, see what this same gentleman thought of the Marquis of Wellesley in 1806; and, it will remain for him to account for this

his extraordinary change of opinion as to that man.

On the Thursday, when the dreadful Bills were first proposed, not a word was said of the Marquis but in the of exaggerated way praise; but, on the Friday, before the terrible Bills were passed, Lord Folkestone spoke on the subject with that honesty which

has

by Lord Wellesley, he should still differ from those who thought that

they ought to be adopted upon that ground, and in a great measure because he differed very materially from those who had pronounced so much eulogiam upon that Noble

Lord.

Marquis Wellesley was notoriously a man of very active, ardent, and vigorous mind, and as pliments paid to that nobleman, he he could not join in the idle com(Lord W.) was, in his opinion, more likely to require the possession of despotic power. This Noble Lord had no doubt run a very brilliant career, and so had Bonaparte, who, so far from being a friend to liberty, was confessedly fond of the enjoyment of despotic power in every direc

tion. But minds constituted like

always distinguished him those of Lord Wellesley, were nafrom so many frothy pretenders turally anxious for the possession of despotic power, and that was a to justice and freedom. He was strong reason with him for refusing answered by Lord Castlereagh, the despotic power with which it was proposed by these measures to who was followed by Dr. Lush-invest Lord Wellesley. He had ington. I shall here insert all their speeches, as far as they related to this matter; and, then add my own remarks. The reader will be pleased to attend particu-granted. His conviction was prinlarly to the parts pointed out by italics. The debate, observe, was on Friday last, the 8th instant.

had occasion to examine the disposition and conduct of this Noble Lord, and the result of that examination was a thorough conviction that he was one of the last persons to whom despotic power ought to be

cipally founded upon the proceedings of the Noble Marquis in India, where he used the arbitrary power with which he was invested in the most arbitrary manner towards every Prince and State which he LORD FOLKESTONE. His could contrive to bring under his Right Honourable Friend near subjection. The conduct, indeed, him (Sir J. Newport) had declined which he pursued towards the Nato press his objections to the mea-bob of Oude, the Peishwa, and sures proposed by the Noble Mar- others whom he subjugated could quess, although he could confess-never be forgotten, marked, as that edly state no grounds for adopting conduct was, by peculiar injustice · them, excepting his confidence in and cruelty. But all the proceedthe Noble Lord at the head of the ings of the Noble Marquis in India' Irish government. But was that were quite of a piece, if not more a reason for agreeing to the suspen-aggravated, than the conduct of Bona

1

parte in Europe. Therefore, he felt sures before the House, because the the strongest objection to invest Irish were ignorant [hear, hear!]; this Noble Lord with any thing like that on this ground those unhappy despotic power, although that No- people should be treated with the ble Lord might have particularly Insurrection Act, and the suspenrequired it, believing, perhaps, sion of the Habeas Corpus, the that the possession of despotic | latter of which was alleged by sopower might enable him to close many Gentlemen, well acquainted his career with the same splendour with Ireland, to be not at all neor false eclat which happened to cessary for the restoration of tranaccompany his proceedings in In-quillity in that unfortunate country. dia. From a recollection of those The adoption of these measures proceedings, however, he conceived would, he apprehended, be proit his duty to oppose these mea- ductive of the most fatal effects, sures, and therefore the authority and therefore, he must most deciof Lord Wellesley for these mea- dedly oppose them. sures altogether failed, in his judgment.-Another authority upon which

LORD CASTLEREAGH.-As the measure immediately before the to the language of the Noble Lord, House was attempted to be de-it appeared that he still retained fended was this, that the Bill under that singular distinctive ambition consideration had been drawn up which usually urged him to present by Mr. Plunkett, from a calcula- a contrast with all the Gentlemen tion, no doubt, that as that Learned around him. The Noble Lord had Gentleman had occasionally acted therefore risen, not to concur with with some gentlemen on his side the Gentlemen among whom he sat of the House, his authority might with respect to the character of attract some supporters. But, with Lord Wellesley, whose character every disposition to acknowledge the Noble Lord seemed indeed the talents of Mr. Plunkett, he more anxious to depreciate, than must say that his authority also to prevent the adoption of the failed upon this occasion,- for measures before the house; but in the conduct and language of that reply to the Noble Lord's attack Learned Gentleman upon the discus-upon the character of Marquis sion and passing of the notorious Six Acts, Wellesley in India, he need only could not possibly be forgotten. refer to the almost unanimous decision The Learned Gentleman's defini- of that House upon the subject of tion of liberty, upon that occasion, the charges preferred against the was, indeed, so extraordinary, as Noble Marquis. He did not immust serve to astonish every con-mediately remember whether the stitutional lawyer-for what was Noble Lord was the prosecutor of that definition? why, truly, that li- Marquis Wellesley upon that ocberty was what the laws enabled the casion, or whether he was only the people to do; which definition would associate of a gentleman of the name apply to the meridian of Turkey or of Paull; but the decision of that Hindostan quite as well as to that of House was recorded in its Journals, England, or any other free State and that decision was in the teeth [hear!]. The Learned Gentleman of all the prosecutions and the achad also maintained on that occa-cusations advanced against the sion, that the Six Acts were neces- Noble Marquis. When the Nosary, because, forsooth, the people ble Marquis returned from India of this country were too well-in- to enjoy the ease, and to receive the formed, or that too much knowledge homage which he was entitled to was diffused among them; and yet it expect, after his brilliant achievewas proposed to adopt the mea-ments, and solid services which he had

rited reprobation. [Hear, hear!] When, therefore, the Noble Marquis threw out his animadversions on his Noble Friend, he (Dr. L.) had a right to revert to the facts, in order to repel them. It had been his duty, in referenca to those pro

rendered in that country, he was assailed by Mr. Paull and a few adherents, among whom was the Noble Lord. But the decision of that House fully established the injustice of all the charges that had been made against him. By that decision indeed, those charges were dis-ceedings, to have put a question missed with the utmost disdain.

to Mr. Sheridan. That question had for its object, to learn from DR. LUSHINGTON said him whether or not he had abanhe must be allowed to advert doned the farther proceedings on to the animadversions which it his motion relative to the Marquis pleased the Noble Marquis to cast of Wellesley. The answer he gave so unjustly, in his opinion, on his was, that though he retained all his Noble Friend's (Folkestone) con- opinions, he did not mean by proceeding duct that night. In every word to run the risk of dissolving the that he uttered he agreed, and in Grenville Administration. The conrebutting such animadversions had duct of Mr. Sheridan, on that only to regret the absence of those occasion, he considered extremely illustrious characters who were so culpable, as well as that of the much more adequate than he was, Administration; believing, though to defend the justice of his Noble politically, attached to that party, Friend's case. When the Noble that it was a compact between the Marquis arraigned his Noble constituent parts of that AdministraFriend for his hesitation to confide tion, at all events, to screen the Marextraordinary powers to the Marquis of Wellesley. That determinąquis Wellesley, did it escape the tion he had then, he did now recollection of the Noble Secre- arraign. Out of power it was all tary, that the conduct which his vigour, zeal and energy in support Noble Friend arraigned, had been of the charges—when in place, these made the subject of impeachment, cen- qualities were exchanged for coldsure and blame in the House of ness, apathy, and oblivion. No poCommons. If the Noble Mar-litical predilections could induce quis's memory failed him on that him to approve of such a line of point, he (Dr. Lushington) begged conduct he preferred to follow to remind him, that he himself had the straight forward course of heard the same opinion supported duty, without any reference to the by the late Sir S. Romilly, in as able, effects it may have to the interests. as powerful, and as eloquent a of the party or the individual. speech, as was ever heard within The opinions he (Dr. L.) then enthe walls of Parliament, and end-tertained as to certain parts of the ing in the condemnation of the conduct conduct of the Marquis Wellesley, of Lord Wellesley. The same in India, he now retained. Giving conviction was entertained by him the fullest credit for vigour, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Sheridan and talent and energy, he still was disMr. Windham. If then his Noble posed to contend that the Noble Friend (Folkestone) was in crror, Marquis overlooked those oblihe was in error with names as dis- gations of public faith in the briltinguished as ever graced, or ever liant prospects of extended domiwill grace the roll of Parliament-nion; and therefore it was that now men whose very presence amongst he would not consent, on the perthem had retrieved the character sonal credit of the Lord Lieutenant of the House when other recollec- of Ireland, to invest him with those tions of its proceedings have me- extraordinary and despotic powers.

Now having gone through these blished; that the House dismissed speeches, let me say a little of the charges with the utmost diswhat I happen to know of this dain. Dr. LusHINGTON explains matter, of which, as it happens, I the matter a little, but not fully. know a great deal. This Lord | I will now explain it ; and, when Wellesley, under the name of I have related the history of the Lord Mornington, was one of the transaction, I will leave the pubgreat abettors of Pitt at the outset lic to judge between Lord CASof the war against France, and TLEREAGHI on the one side and made in the time of assignats, a Lord FOLKESTONE and Doctor tremendously long speech to prove, LUSHINGTON On the other.. that the French must soon be Mr. PAULL had obtained a seat wholly ruined, and compelled to in parliament in the month of give up the contest, because they June, 1805. Early in the next had a paper money not convertible month Mr. WINDHAM brought him into gold and silver! After a to my horse and introduced him to pretty stout career in this way at home, Pitt sent him out to India, where he had fine scope for his genius, and particularly for his his opinion that I should be able gift of writing despatches, in which to give him great assistance. If as to quantity at least, I believe the reader will look into the 9th him to exceed all the rest of mankind.

me; told me that he had weighty charges to bring forward against Lord Wellesley, and expressed

Volume of the Register, page fourteen, he will find the very first › About the same time that he public mention of the business. returned home from India, which The date was, 6th July 1805. was in 1805, Mr. PAULL came Pitt was still alive; but a good from that country to England, deal faded. He had thrusted out and became his accuser. This the Doctor; but, the Doctor had gentleman actually preferred arti- done a good job for him in letting eles of impeachment against him in the house of Commons, which articles have not, that I have ever heard of, been effaced from the Journals of the House. Lord CASTLEREAGH says that the injustice in 1804, he was an altered man. of these charges was fully esta-Before June 1805, I had ad

the cat out of the bag as to Melville, and thereby opened the chase for the Foxites. Pitt attempted to show a bold front; but, from the moment he came into power

dressed half a score of not very | 1805) was about to close; and, friendly letters to him; and, I therefore, Mr. PAULL, having

have always observed, that, let a man be what he may when I begin on him in this way, he is not the same man by the time that I quit him. Besides, I was going on at Pitt in June 1805, and was bring

ing him down nicely to the hand of the Foxites. I look back to the Registers of that time with great delight!

moved for a paper or two, gave notice of his resolution to proceed in the business, and to bring forward articles of impeachment, as soon as the next session should commence.

He received from the

Foxites the most positive assurances of support and assistance. He was urged on by them. Nay, SHERIDAN and Mr. FRANCIS (afThe Foxites (reasonably keen terwards Sir Phillip Francis) had for place!) pushed well the great, pledged themselves over and over impudent pretender to wisdom and again, to bring before parliament purity. I proved him to have parts of the conduct of Wellesley, neither. I started him, who had which Mr. PAULL did not propose never been fairly started before. to meddle with. And, besides all I unearthed him, and, in spite of this, a greater personage still, had all his tricks, got him from cover; (it was openly stated in print and and they pursued him so well, never contradicted) graciously constuck to him so closely, hung upon descended to applaud Mr. PAULL his brush with such constancy, (in July 1805) for his efforts and that, if he had not died in a few intentions; and, to express his months afterwards, he would have hope that the "battery which Mr. been routed from his office. His" PAULL had opened against the death, together with the coalition of" Marquis would not be silenced, the Foxites and the Grenvilles," as - some other batteries had saved his faction and kept in force" been." On this subject see Mr. his fatal system, the natural re- PAULL's narrative, in Register, sults of which are now beginning Vol. 10. page 648, which, indeed, to be felt both in England and is a full history of the whole of the Ireland. intrigue by means of which his efforts were defeated.

It was just in the height of this pursuit of Pitt that Mr. PAULL began upon the elder Wellesley. The session of parliament (July

Thus keen were the Foxites at the close of the session of 1805 (July), and thus keen they conti