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While the lictor was binding him in order to his punishment, Paul asked the centurion that stood by, whether the Roman laws permitted them to treat in this manner a citizen, even before any sentence was passed upon him 2 Which when the centurion heard, without making any reply, he went directly to the governor, and advised him to act cautiously in this affair, because the prisoner, as he understood, was a Roman citizen; and a citizen indeed he was by birth-right +, whereas the governor himself was such

only by purchase *.

This made him wave all farther thoughts of scourging him, as

being not a little afraid, that he had already done more than he could answer; but being desirous to know the bottom of the matter, the next day he convened the Sanhedrim, and brought down Paul, and set him before them. The sight of so awful an assembly struck no terror into the apostle, who began his apology with an open declaration of the integrity and good intentions of his heart : “Men and brethren, I have lived in all good conscience || before God until this day.” reflection upon the justice of their tribunal, and therefore ordered the officers that From Acts. i. stood near him to strike him on the face; an indignity this, which the apostle resent- t ed with severity of language f ; but when the standers-by accused him with calumniating the high priest, he excused himself by saying, that he did not know, or could not well believe, that a person who had given such unjust orders could be invested with so sacred a character. Perceiving, however, that the council consisted partly of Sadducees and partly of Pharisees, to elude the malice of his enemies, he made open declaration that he was a Pharisee, even as his father was before him, and that the great offence taken against him was his belief of a future resurrection; which so divided the council, that, however the Sadducees, who were violent opposers of this article, were bent against him, the Pharisees, who were zealous maintainers of it, were for acquitting him : So that the dissention among them grew so high, that the governor, fearing lest Paul should be torn to pieces among them, commanded the soldiers to take him from the bar, and to return him back to the castle; where, to comfort him after all his frights and fears, God was pleased to appear to him that night in a vision, encouraging him to constancy and resolution, and assuring him, that as he had borne testimony to his cause at Jerusalem, so, in despite of all his enemies, he should live to do the same thing at Rome. The next morning above forty Jews entered into a wicked confederacy, which they ratified with an imprecation, never to eat or drink until they had killed Paul; and having acquainted the Sanhedrim with their design, they thought it advisable that some of their body should solicit the governor to bring him down before them, under pretence of enquiring more accurately into his case, and that then, before he reached the court, they would not fail to way-lay and dispatch him. This conspiracy, however, was discovered to St Paul by a nephew of his, and by him imparted to Lysias, who immediately commanded two parties of foot and one of horse to be ready by nine o'clock that night, in order to conduct Paul first to Antipatris *, and thence to Caesarea, where Felix f, the governor of the province, had his residence. Lysias at the same time sent a

This asserting of his innocency, Ananias Š,

speaking against Labienus, tells his audience, that the Porcian law permitted a Romani to be whipped with rods, but he, like a good and merciful man (speaking ironically), had done it with scourges: And, what is farther observable, neither by whips or rods could a citizen of Rome be punished, unless he were first adjudged to lose his privilege, to be uncitizened, and declared an enemy to the commonwealth, and then he might be either scourged or put to death; for the form of disfranchising him was this, “Lictor, colliga manus, or caput obnubito, infelici reste suspendito, verberato, vel intra pomaerium, vel extra pomae. rium :” “ Lictor, bind his hands, or cover his face, hang him, scourge him, either within or without the suburbs.” All which shews the great propriety of the apostle's question to the centurion, “Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncondemned 2’ Acts xxii. 25. Calmet's Commentary, Whitby's and Hammond's Annotations. + In what manner St Paul obtained this privilege, the learned are not agreed; but it seems to make fair for the opinion of those who think, that the people of Tarsus had it bestowed on them by the favour of some emperor, that Dion Cassius, lib. xlvii. reports, that they sided so far with Julius Caesar in the civil war, and afterwards with Octavius, that their city obtained the name of Juliopolis, and was honour. ed with the greatest privileges: which makes Carthusianus, and the gloss upon 2 Tim. iv. 12, say more fully that the inhabitants received this freedom, because they met the Roman ambassadors with peace and crowns, and that then Paul’s father, going out with them, received the penula or clock, as a mark and ensign of a Roman citizen, 2 Tim. iv. 13. Whitby’s Annotations. * Photius, in one of his letters, tells us about what time it was that the privileges of a Roman citizen came to be enjoyed, not only by those who were natives of the place, but by as many as either by favour or money were made partakers of that appellation ; and several historians have observed, that, un der the first emperors, it was highly valued, and cost dear, but that, in the reign of Claudius, it came to be disesteemed, and purchased at a very low rate.

the high priest, looked upon as a kind of

Hammond's and Beausobre's Annotations, and Cal. met’s Commentary.

| The apostle, by a good conscience, does not mean here a conscience void of all error and offence; for he owns himself to have been guilty of a great sin in persecuting the church of Christ, 1 Tim. i. 13. but such a conscience as acted according to his persuasion that he ought so to act; in which sense he says, that when he blasphemed against Christ, and persecuted his church, he did it out of a belief that “he ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus,” Acts xxvi. 9.; so that the sense of the apostle is, “While I was persuaded, that the Christian religion was false, I persecuted it with the utmost vigour; but as soon as I came to perceive its Divine institution, I declared for it, and have ever since maintained it, even to the hazard of my life. The religion of the Jews I did not forsake out of any hardships that it required, or any prejudice I had conceived against its precepts; nor did I embrace that of the Christians upon any other account than a full conviction of its truth and veracity. I was a good Jew, in short, as long as I thought it my duty to be so; and when I thought it my duty to be otherwise, I became a zealous Christian ; in all which God knows the sincerity of my heart, and is witness of my uprightness.” Whitby's Annotations, and Calmer's Commentary,

§ He was the Son of Nabedaeus, and succeeded Joseph the son of Camith, as himself was succeeded by Ishmael, the son of Fabaeus, in the high priesthood. Upon a quarrel between the Jews and Samaritans, Quadratus, governor of Syria, sent him in chains to Rome, to give an account of his conduct to the emperor Claudius; but after a hearing, which was procured him by the interest of young Agrippa, he was acquitted, and returned home, though we read nothing of his restoration to the pontificate. It is evident from the account of Josephus himself, that Ananias at this time was not the high priet, and yet he still retained the titles and honours belonging to it, even as Annas did in the time of Caiaphas. Joseph. Antiq. lib. xx, c. 5. and Fleury's Ecclesiastical History.

his son Eleazar set himself at the head of a party of
mutineers, who, having made themselves masters of
the temple, would permit no sacrifices to be offered

: The apostle's words are these:—“God shall smite thee, thou whited wall.” A whited wall was a proverbial expression, denoting an hypocrite of any kind,

and the propriety of it appears in this:—That as the wall had a fair outside, but nothing but dirt or sticks and stones within, so the high priest had the outward appearance of a righteous judge, sitting as one, that would pass judgment according to law, and yet commanding him to be punished for speaking the truth, and so condemning the innocent, against the law of nature, as well as that of Moses, Lev. xix. 15. Our Blessed Saviour makes use of a comparison much of the same nature, when he calls the scribes and Pharisees “whited sepulchres, which appear beautiful outward, but are within full of dead mens bones, and of all uncleanness,” Matth. xxiii. 27.; and we need but look into the history of the ancient prophets, and there observe with what an air of authority Elijah and Elisha speak to the kings of Israel, and with what boldness Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, reproach the priests, the princes, and the people of Judah, with their transgressions, to justify our apostle, in taking tne same freedom with this proud pontiff, who belied his character by his unjust proceedings. It is to be observed, however, in further vindication of St Paul, that these words of his, “God shall smite thee,” are a prediction, and not an imprecation; and a predic. tion which (according to Josephus) was fulfilled in a short time: For when, in the government of Florus,

Wol. III.

for the emperor, and, being joined by a company of
assassins, compelled persons of the best quality to fly
for their safety into sinks and vaults, Ananias, and
his brother Hezekias, were both drawn out of one of
these places, and murdered; though Dr Lightfoot
will have it, that he perished at the siege of Jerusalem.
Calmet's Commentary, Whitby's Annotations, and Jo-
seph. de Bello Jud. lib. ii. c. 17, 18.
* This place, which was formerly called Capharsa-
lama, 1 Maccab. vii. 31. stood upon the sea coast,
between Joppa and Caesarea Palestinae, but was of
little or no repute, until it was rebuilt, or at least re.
paired and beautified, by Herod the Great, who in
honour of his father Antipater changed its name.
Whitby's Alphabetical Table, and Wells's Geography
of the New Testament.
t Claudius Felix, who in Tacitus is likewise called
Antonius, because he was a slave both to the emperor
Claudius and his mother Antonia, was the brother of
Pallas, the freed-man, and first favourite of the empe-
ror, by whose interest he obtained the government of
Judea; but in the administration of it practised all
manner of violence, avarice, and lust. The above-
cited historian tells us of him, that “he made his will
the law of his government, and ruled the province
with all the authority of a king, and the insolence of

3 K

A. M. 4062, letter to the governor, signifying, “That the person whom he had sent was a freeman ‘. . of Rome; that the Jews had evil-entreated him, and conspired against his life; that he 58, &c. had taken that method to secure him against their violence; and had ordered his ene--- mies to appear before him at Caesarea, to manage their charge and accusation.” This letter the governor received with great civility; and finding that Paul belonged to the province of Cilicia, promised him a fair hearing as soon as his accusers should come down; and in the mean time ordered him to be secured in a place called Herod's judgement hall ||. About five days after this, Ananias the high priest, with others of the Sanhedrim, came down to Caesarea, and brought with them an advocate, named Tertullus *, who, in a speech, set off with all the insinuating arts of eloquence, to prepossess the governor + in their favour, accused St Paul “ of being a seditious person, and a disturber of the public peace; who had set himself at the head of the sect of the Nazarenes ||2, and made no manner of scruple to profane even the temple itself.” But to the several parts of this accusation the apostle (when permitted by Felix to make his defence) answered distinctly. The charge of sedition he utterly denied, and challenged them to prove, that they had ever found him so much as disputing in the temple, or stirring up the people in the synagogues, or any other place of the city. The charge of what they called heresy he readily admitted; but then he affirmed, that, long before him, this was the way in which all the patriarchs of the Jewish nation worshipped God, firmly be.

a freed-slave, whom neither shame nor fear could re-
strain.” He stuck at no manner of cruelty or injus-
tice, having caused Jonathan, the high priest, to be
assassinated, merely because he sometimes reminded
him of his male-administration; and to gratify his de-
bauchery, he scrupled not to violate all laws, both hu-
man and divine. For, being in love with Drusilla,
who was married to Azizus, king of the Emisenes, by
the help of Simon the magician, a Jew of Cyprus, he
took her from her husband's bed; and, in defiance of
all law and right, kept her for his own wife. In short,
his government was so grievous to the Jews, that they
procured his recal, A. D. 60. And as several of them
went to Rome after him, to complain of his extortions,
and other acts of violence, he had undoubtedly been
executed, had not his brother’s credit preserved him.
Calmet's Commentary, Beausobre's Annotations, and
Joseph. Antiq, lib. 20. c. 5, 6.
| The word sizarraguay, which we render judgment-
hall, is properly of Latin extract, and signifies the
house where the chief Roman governor lived; and
this in Caesarca is called Herod's praetorium, because
it was a magnificent palace, which Herod the Great
had built for his own habitation whenever he should
go to Caesarea; but which, in after-times, the Roman
governors made use of for the place of their abode,
as well as a place of confinement for some particular
prisoners. Calmet's Commentary.
* It seems very likely that this Tertullus, whose
name is properly Latin, was a Roman orator or advo
cate, whom the Jewish rulers employed in this cause
against Paul, as being a person better versed in the
Roman language, and formalities of Roman courts
than they were Beausobre's Annotations.
+ In the preamble, which Tertullus makes to Fe-
lix, there is a great deal of gross flattery, mixed with
aome truth: For, though it be true, that Felix did some

kindness to the Jewish nation, in delivering them from
the thieves and magicians that infested them; in de-
stroying Eleazar, in particular, who was at the head of
one of these bands of robbers, and in defeating the
Egyptian impostor, who drew so many thousands of
poor people after him : yet, had the orator been
minded to have told the whole truth, he might have
accused him of numberless injuries done the province,
since no governor was ever known to exercise his au.
thority with more injustice and cruelty than he but
this was not the business of one who, in the begin-
ning of his speech, was to insinuate himself into his
favour. Whitby's and Beausobre's Annotations, and
Calmet's Commentary.
|* This is the only place of Scripture wherein
Christians are called Nazarenes, though the author
and founder of their religion is frequently so called
from Nazareth, a city of Galilee, the place of his na-
tivity (as some supposed), because it was that of his
usual abode. At the first appearance of the Gospel,
Christians were generally looked upon as a particular
sect of the Jews, even as the Pharisees and Sadducees
were. The heathens almost always confounded them
with the Jews, nor was the distinction properly made
till after the destruction of the Jewish temple and the
large increase of Pagan converts: But as the word
*ietz;, or sect, bears often an indifferent sense, both
in the Holy Scriptures and in ancient Jewish wri-
ters, we might possibly suppose it so here, did not
Justin Martyr (cont. Tryp. p. 284.), inform us, that
the Jews very early sent their emissaries to all nations
against the Christians, representing them as also
*ses, zzi &rauss, an atheistical and wicked heresy:
and therefore we have reason to believe, that in this
sense they accused Paul, as being a ring leader of the
sect of the Naz renes. Calmet's Commentary, and
Whitby's Annotations. • .

lieving another life, and a future resurrection; and as to the charge of “profaning the temple,” he allowed indeed that several times since his coming to Jerusalem he had been there, but then it was without any multitude, and only to purify himself according to the Mosaic law. Felix gave both sides the hearing, but refused to make any final determination, until Lysias himself came down, of whom he might be more fully informed in the controversy; but, in the mean time, he commanded, that though Paul should be kept under a guard, yet his custody should be so free and easy, that none of his friends should be hindered from visiting, or doing him any office of kindness. A few days after this, when his wife Drusilla * (who had been a Jewess) was come to Caesarea, Felix, being minded to have her hear Paul, ordered him to be brought before them, and gave him leave to speak freely concerning the doctrines of Christianity. In his discourse he took occasion particularly to insist upon the great obligation, which the laws of Christ lay upon men to justice and righteousness towards one another, and to sobriety and chastity both towards themselves and others, from this consideration more especially, viz. the strict and impartial account that must be given, in the day of judgment, of all the actions of their past lives, to be either eternally punished or rewarded for them. Subjects that were wisely adapted to the governor's condition and circumstances, and what stung his conscience so feelingly, that he could not forbear trembling, which made him break off the apostle's discourse with a “Go thy way for this time; when I have a convenient season, I will call for thee.” When Portius Festus * * succeeded to the government of Judea, he found Paul still in prison, left there by his predecessor to gratify the Jews +. Upon his first coming to Jerusalem, the high priest, and other members of the Sanhedrim, exhibited fresh accusations against the prisoner, and in order to his trial, desired that he might be sent for up to Jerusalem, meaning to assassinate || him by the way; but Festus, unwilling to grant A. M. 4063, their request, ordered them to come down to Caesarea, where he himself would shortly

* This Drusilla was the daughter of that Agrippa who put St James to death, and imprisoned St Peter, and was himself miraculously smitten in the midst of his oration at Caesarea, whereof we have given a full account before. This daughter of his passed for one of the greatest beauties of her age, but was far from being remarkable either for her piety or chastity. At first she was promised in marriage to Epiphanes, the son of Antiochus, king of Comagene, upon condition that he would submit to be circumcised; but, when he refused to comply with that, the match broke off, and she afterwards was married to Azizus, as we said before, who accepted of the condition. When she left him, and took it in her head to live with Felix, who was a Gentile, she forsook her own, and conformed to his religion, according to the testimony of Josephus, Antiq, lib. xx. c. 5. and therefore, when St Luke calls her a Jewess, he must be understood thereby to denote her birth and parentage, ra. ther than the form and profession of her religion. Calmet's Commentary.

* When Festus came into Judea (which was in the sixth or seventh year of Nero), he found all in desolation and distress; the country laid waste; the people forced from their habitations; their houses exposed to fire and pillage; and all at the mercy of a brutal rout of vagabond freebooters, who, in great numbers, ravaged up and down at pleasure. In those days there was a famous impostor likewise, with a train of credulous rabble at his heels, whom he had deluded into an opinion, that if they did but follow

him into such a wilderness, no harm should ever befal
them. Both these sorts of people the governor en-
deavoured to suppress, and the latter he did effectual-
ly; but had not time to accomplish the other, be-
cause, in the space of two years, he died, and was
succeeded in the province by Albinus. Joseph. An-
tiquities, lib. xx. c. 7, 8.
t He had sorely exasperated them, by his unjust
and violent proceedings, while he continued in the
government, and therefore, upon his dismission, he
thought to have pacified them, in some measure, by
leaving Paul (whom he might have discharged long
before), still in custody, and still liable to become a
prey to their greedy malice : But herein he found
himself sadly mistaken; for, no sooner was his dis-
grace at court known, than several of the principal
Jews of Caesarea took a journey to Rome on purpose
to accuse him, and (as we said before) would cer-
tainly have wrought his ruin, had not his brother Pal-
las (who was now in equal favour with Nero, as for-
merly he had been with Claudius) interceded for his
pardon. Joseph, Antiq. lib. xx. c. 7.
| Which might easily be done by any of the bands
of robbers and assassins, (those persons whom Jo-
sephus calls Sicarii, from Sica, or the short sword
they wore, something betwixt the Persian scymitar
and the Roman faulchion) which at that time intested
the whole province, and would have doue it for a
small sum of money, without any suspicion upon the
true authors of his murder. Calmet's Commentary,

From Acts i.

10. to the end.

;..." be, and then he would not fail to do them justice. The Jews accordingly went down; o, &c. and when Festus was seated on the tribunal, they renewed their charge, and produced

=-their articles against him, which differed not much from what they had accused him of before Felix: But Paul defended himself so well, by making it appear, “that he had neither offended against the Jewish laws, nor against the temple, nor against the emperor,” that their charge soon fell to the ground for want of sufficient proof. Festus, however, being willing to oblige the Jews at his first coming to the government, proposed to the apostle his going up to Jerusalem, there to be judged of the matters that were alledged against him; but he, knowing full well the malice of his enemies, and being unwilling to trust himself in their power, boldly declared, “That as he then stood at the emperor's judgment seat, where he ought to have a final trial, if he had done any thing worthy of death, he did not at all decline it; but that as he had injured none of the Jews, and they could prove nothing criminal against him, he ought not to be made a victim to their fury; and therefore as he was a Roman, he appealed + to the emperor himself.” Whereupon Festus, being not a little startled, first conferred with his own council ", and then, with some seeming emotion, told the apostle, that

since he had appealed unto Caesar, unto Caesar he should go.
Not many days after, king Agrippa +", with his sister Berenice ||, and a numerous

+ This way of appealing was frequent among the Romans, introduced to defend and secure the lives and fortunes of the populace, from the unjust incroachments and over-rigorous severities of the magistrates; whereby it was lawful, in cases of oppression, to appeal from them for redress and rescue; a thing more than once settled by the sanction of the Valerian laws. These appeals were generally made in writing by appellatory libels given into the court, and containing an account of the appellant, the person against whom and from whose sentence he did appeal; But where the case was done in open court, it was enough for the criminal verbally to declare that he did appeal. In great and weighty cases, the appeal was made to the prince himself; whereupon not only at Rome, but in all the provinces of the empire, every proconsul and governor was strictly forbidden to execute, scourge, bind, or put any badge of servility upon a citizen, or any that had the privilege of a citizen, who had made his appeal; or any ways to hinder him from going to Rome to obtain justice at the hands of the emperor, “who had as much regard to the liberty of his subjects (says the law itself) as they could have for their good-will and obedience to him.” And this was exactly St Paul's case; who, knowing that he should have no fair and equitable dealing at the hands of the governor, when once he came to be swayed by the Jews, his sworn and inveterate enemies, appealed from him to the emperor, which was a privilege so often, so plainly settled by the Roman laws, that Festus durst not deny his demand. Cave's Lives of the Apostles.

* Some annotators are of opinion, that the persons with whom the governor advised upon this occasion, were part of the Sanhedrim who were come to Cae. sarea to prosecute Paul; but we can scarce think that any of this body of men would have counselled him to admit of St Paul's appeal, or to send him to Cae. sar out of their reach; and therefore we suppose that,

as these governors of provinces were not always great lawyers, though they might sometimes have very nice controversies come before them, they were usually provided with men of sufficient abilities in the Roman laws, who, sitting behind a veil or curtain drawn between them and the governor’s tribunal, were ready, in all difficult cases, to assist him with their advice. Whitby's Annotations, and Calmet's Commentary. +*This prince, who was the son of Agrippa, sirnamed Herod, of whom we read so much in the xiith chapter of the Acts, was at Rome with the emperor Claudius when he died. The emperor was inclined to have given him all the dominions which his father possessed; but those who were about him dissuaded him from it; so that sending Cuspius Fadus as procurator to Judea, he kept Agrippa still at court, until he was in a condition to reign. When Herod, king of Chalcis, his uncle by his father's side, died, he gave him his dominions, but soon after translated him to a larger kingdom; for he bestowed on him, not only all the territories formerly belonging to Philip the tetrarch, but added likewise the country of Abilene which belonged to Lysanias. After the death of Claudius, his successor Nero, who had a great affection for Agrippa, to his other dominions added Julias in Perea, and that part of Galilee to which Tarichaea and Tiberias belonged. When the war broke out between the Jews and Romans, this prince was constrained to join his troops with those of Rome, to reduce his countrymen, and assist in the taking of Jerusalem. After the destruction of that city, he retired to Rome with his sister Berenice, with whom he had always lived in an indiscreet manner, and there died at about seventy years of age. Calmei's Commentary and Dictionary, Echard's and Fleury's Ecclesiastical Histories. | She was at first married to Herod, king of Chalcis, her own uncle by her father's side, but after his death she betook herself to her brother, and with

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