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by the Hindoos as a mark of respect for their religion. We allude to the interest excited in England by the measure, as gratifying evidence that the British authorities in India will find that they can not hereafter augment their revenues and strengthen their power, by patronizing the superstitions of the natives. They will be obliged by public sentiment to conduct their government on Christian principles.

It is gratifying also to learn that the present government is likely to recover the good opinion of the world, by recent measures of reform, the principal of which is the abolition of slavery. When English philanthropists have spoken with severity of the system of slavery in this country, they have been referred to the oppressions of their own government in India. This retort we can no longer make. All that we who abhor slavery can now say, is in our personal defense-the power is not in our hands-we can only pray and give our testimony in favor of justice, and wait with patience until a majority of the people perceive the duty of a general emancipation.

REPEAL OF THE UNION BETWEEN

ENGLAND AND IRELAND.

The Irish Catholics, under O'Connell, are pushing the project of the repeal of the union, with undiminished vigor. In a letter to the people of Ireland, O'Connell pronounces the present year, 1843, the great repeal year. He encourages the united exertions of the clergy and laity by the assurance of immediate success. He enumerates "five great measures" as the basis upon which he seeks "to combine all Irishmen in the struggle for the repeal of the Union." "First. The total abolition of the tithe rent charge. Secondly. Fixity of tenure for the occupying tenants. Thirdly. The encouragement and perfecting of Irish manu

factures. Fourthly. Complete suffrage and vote by ballot. Fifthly. Abolition of the present poor law, and augmentation of well-regulated charitable institutions."

The Irish Catholic priests have embarked, it is said, with zeal in the cause. About five hundred pounds sterling per week are contributed for the use of the Association. The British ministry, Lord Wellington in the house of lords, and Sir Robert Peel in the house of commons, have explicitly announced their intention of arresting the movement, by force if necessary. O'Connell receives the threat with defiance, declaring that he shall in all his measures respect existing laws, but if any new enactments are made to suppress the agitation, they will be forcibly resisted. The present aspect of things is far more serious than was anticipated in the early stages of the movement.

ANTI-CORN LAW LEAGUE.

This association, formed for the purpose of procuring the total repeal of the corn laws of Great Britain, is rapidly advancing in wealth and influence. Meetings are held in every part of the country-liberal subscriptions have been made, amounting to more than fifty thousand pounds-the press, the platform, and the pulpit, are all enlisted to produce a public sentiment, which shall force on the government the desired reform. Sir Robert Peel has lately announced that he shall not at present consent to any further change in the corn laws. But it seems to be a prevailing opinion, that the monopoly must yield to the vigorous assaults of the opposition.

COMPLETE SUFFRAGE PARTY.

This party is of recent origin in England, and owes its existence to

a growing conviction in the minds of the friends of reform, that the country can never escape from the evils of class-legislation, and obtain a complete redress of grievances, until the people have a full and fair representation in parliament. The philanthropist, Joseph Sturge, a gentleman who will be remembered with respect by all who had the pleasure of meeting him, during his visit to this country, is the acknowledged leader of this movement. The Non Conformist, a paper edited with great ability, is devoted to the cause; and the principles of the association appear to be winning their way to favor. The party will probably soon be able to carry the elections in many important towns in the kingdom; and is destined, we think, to hold a prominent place in its domestic history. The main argument for complete suffrage, is, that all the people of England are taxed; and that there is no sounder principle than that there should be no taxation without representation. This extension of the right of suffrage, however, is not demanded solely as a measure of justice and political expediency; but as an original right of British subjects, enjoyed fully by the ancient Britons, under the Saxon rule, and to some degree after Magna Charta, and lost, not by the consent of the disfranchised, but by successive acts of tyranny.

NATIONAL EDUCATION IN ENGLAND.

The English minister for the home department, Sir James Graham, has lately introduced a bill into parliament, for the education of poor children in the manufacturing districts. The measure seems to be one of state policy, rather than one of real concern for the welfare of the people. "The thing aimed at," says the Non Conformist, "is not so much to instruct the people, as to govern them." The govern

ment has discovered that neither the church nor the army, can subdue the discontent of the lower classes; and it is manifest that a remedy must be provided, or at no distant day this discontent will break out in popular insubordination, too general and terrific to be resisted. This remedy is sought for in a new system of education, not for the agricultural population, the most unenlightened, but for the inhabitants of the manufacturing towns, where the people are taught by their mechan ics' institutions, societies, trades' unions, and constant intercourse with the world, to form opinions of their own, and combine for the protection of their rights. They are feared; therefore they must be educa ted. But not on a liberal principle. The schoolmasters are to be approved by the bishop; and the clergy of the establishment are to have the sole charge of the morals and religion of all the children not attached to dissenting congregations. Thus the great mass of the factory children are to receive their first ideas of religion and of duty, from the paid tools of the government. The writer just quoted, states that the selfish views of the government in this affair, are betrayed by a gross neglect to provide for the education of the people in the rural districts, for which object immense endowments have been heretofore bequeathed, sufficient, if properly managed, to supply the means of edu cation for most of the poor of the kingdom. These endowments have been misappropriated. Why does not the government compel the right application of these funds? A plausible answer, to say the least, is, that the good of the people is not desired, but only a convenient instrument, such as is furnished by the factory bill, for governing them. We do not wonder at the opposi tion of dissenters to a measure, framed so evidently for the support of the established church. Instruc

tion in reading, writing, arithmetic, and geography, should be given in school gratuitously to the poor; but in religion the instruction should be given out of school, not by the government, but by individuals and voluntary associations. This would give equal rights to the several sects; and that sect which made the greatest exertions, would probably make the most converts.

CHRISTIAN UNION.

A meeting was held by ministers and Christians of different denominations, June 2d, 1843, at Craven Chapel, London, for the very laudable purpose of expressing their mutual fellowship in Christ, on the ground of their agreement in the fundamental truths of the Gospel. The Baptists, the Wesleyans, the Lutherans, the Independents, the National Scotch church, the Moravians, were all represented. The meeting was one of deep interest; and is to be succeeded by others of the same kind. We see evidence in this proceeding, that our brethren of the several evangelical denominations in England, have discovered the true secret of Christian union-not a hopeless struggle to bring all into a single organized body, which is productive of aliena tion, rather than unity-but a voluntary veiling of what is peculiar in each, by the broad mantle of their common faith. They love the same Master, the same cause, the same essential truths; they are parts of the same spiritual body; they differ only in forms and articles of belief, not vital to the salvation of man. They need only feel how numerous and close are their points of union, and how trivial their differences, to cement their hearts in brotherly affection, and combine their energies in measures of Christian benevolence. Meetings for the recognition of each other as Christians, and of the ministers of each as ministers

of Christ, is a happy expedient, to awaken these emotions, and produce this unity.

A proposition has lately emanated from the commission of the General Assembly of the church of Scotland, for a general convocation in London of evangelical churches, by delegates duly appointed, for the purpose of protesting against Socinianism or Rationalism, Popery, and Tractarianism; and effecting other objects of Christian fellowship and benevolence.

THE LATE DUKE OF SUSSEX.

The death of this excellent nobleman, on the 2d of April last, deserves to be chronicled, with some account of his life and character, in every journal that is devoted to the cause of human improvement and happiness. He was the ninth child and fifth son of George III; and in the liberality of his principles, the cultivation of his mind, and the generosity and kindness of his heart, he excelled all the members of his family. In early life he appeared as the advocate of civil and religious liberty; and for half a century adhered inflexibly to the cause of freedom, through every change of administration, becoming only more decided in his views as he advanced in years. The abolition of the slave trade, and of slavery; the removal of the disabilities of all classes of dissenters, including Jews and Catholics; the amelioration of the criminal law; popular education; the arts and sciences; every thing which tends to promote the well being of the people, received his support. From the passage of the corn-bill in 1835, to his death, he uniformly exerted his influence against the measure. In 1830, he was raised to the presidency of the Royal Society. But his highest honor is, that for more than forty years he was the liberal patron and advocate

of every benevolent enterprise. No institution, no project, that promised to be useful, appealed in vain to him for assistance. Nor were the Duke's adherence to liberal principles, and sympathy with the people, unattended by personal sacrifices. Until the death of George IV, he was in disgrace at court; treated with neglect, excluded from all lucrative appointments, and strictly confined to the income allowed by parliament. The independent and liberal mind of the Duke was manifested no less clearly by his marriage, first to the Lady Augusta de Ameland Murray, which marriage was declared null by the preroga. tive court; and next, to Lady Cecilia Gore. He thus united his fortunes to a British subject, contrary to an absurd law of the realm; and that his remains may not rest apart from those of his wife, he directed in his will, that they should be deposited at Kensal Green; the first instance in which a prince of the blood royal will repose in a public cemetery. We admire his superiority to a senseless pride of birth; we admire his whole character. What is more worthy of admiration, than a nobleman of his rank, reared in the midst of luxury, sycophancy and vice; the brother of George IV, that vilest libertine of his age; rising superior to his temptations; preserving his purity; distinguish ing himself for his excellent character and scholarship at Gottingen; then appearing at home the uncompromising advocate of all human rights, and the earnest patron of all good institutions? Happy were it for England, if she had many such princes.

POSTAGE.

The rate of postage between England and France, has been reduced in the ratio of five to two; that is, a letter which was charged 1s. 8d.,

will be charged hereafter only 8d. The English have also obtained permission to transport their mails to and from India, through France, on very favorable terms. This advantage is a natural result of their new post-office system. Are the people of this country never to experience similar improvements? Must the interests of the country be forever sacrificed to the selfishness of individuals?

REVOLUTION IN HAYTI.

A revolutionary movement, headed by Riviere Herard, broke out the 28th of January last, at Praslin, a sugar plantation in the plain of Torbeck, in the island of Hayti; the object of which was to obtain an amelioration of the administration of President Boyer. Herard was at first joined by only three hundred men, but they were soon strengthened by volunteers from among the people, and by desertions from the army. He proceeded with the greatest moderation, from victory to victory, avoiding in all possible cases the shedding of blood, until on the 21st of March, after a short skirmish, in which only ten or twelve lives were lost, he entered Port au Prince in triumph. Boyer was compelled to abdicate his office, and with his high officers he left the country. A provisional government. has been established, and prelimina ry steps have been taken for the formation of a new constitution-which it is expected will secure to the people the more complete enjoyment of civil and religious rights. The manner in which this revolution was effected, the regard constantly manifested by the insurgents for life and property, and the moderation and firmness which have characterized all their proceedings, are acknowledged to reflect the highest honor on the people.

CORRECTIONS.-Page 231, second column, read Lengerke, for Zengerke; so p. 235. Page 241, first column, line 16, for 163, read 164.

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